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2010, Vol., No.31

  • 1.

    Communication and Reconciliation on the Korea political History in the Premodern Period

    Jeong, Ho-hun | 2010, (31) | pp.1~41 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    The Tangp'yŏng politics launched by King Yŏngjo were designed to give the monarch more power in order to allow him to intervene and to impose communication and reconciliation between the many factions which were then jostling for position. King Yŏngjo and the supporters of Tangp'yŏng politics were careful to assure that two aspects of this policy were properly implemented: First, they sought to introduce an independent monarchial system which could then serve as the impetus for the doing away with of the neo-Confucianism based Kunju Sŏnghakron the theory that even a king should learn to be a good king, which resulted in limiting the monarch's power while strengthening the power of meritorious subjects. Second, they sought to increase the role of the constitution and thus remove the existing political management style which was based on public opinion as interpreted by the meritorious subjects. The 「Soktaejŏn」was the result of these efforts to search for a new political management system, to strengthen the authority of the king and further the acceptance of constitutionalism. As such, the 「Soktaejŏn」, as a complement to the 「Kyŏngguk Taechŏn」, was meant to promote the usage of the Constitution as a more practical basis through which to rule the country. Once the authority of the 「Kyŏngguk Taechŏn」 was laid out in the Constitution, the authority of the king, as the upholder of the Constitution, would be naturally strengthened and the problems originated from Kongron —public discourse— politics would be lessened as a result of the fact that the principles and standards through which politics should be conducted would be emphasized in the Constitution. Thus, the 「Soktaejŏn」 was a code of laws which contained the ideas promoted by the advocates of Tangp'yŏng politics.
  • 2.

    The New and Old Alterations of Communication Politics in late Qing. -The transition from Traditional Document System to Communication politics by modern parliamentary politics.-

    Chunbok Lee | 2010, (31) | pp.43~79 | number of Cited : 0
    This paper handled the partial aspect of the new and old change of communication politics in the end of Ching focusing on the aspects and institutionalization that the method of communication between ruler and the ruled is diversified and the class and scope is gradually extended. During Qing dynasty, Palace memorial(奏摺) system appeared by making up for problems of Tiben(題本) and Zouben(奏本) which are the Throne article(上疏文) system of Ming Dynasty in Qing Dynasty. Palace memorial system stamped out the negative effects such as concealment, leakage, delay, etc. that was existing because the original documents which were not opened were directly delivered to emperors. But basic problems were not solved. In other words, the system basically blocked any possible ways of communication between minor officials lower than ranking five(5品官), literary intelligentsia(士大夫), and emperors and also between the public and emperors directly. The institutional safety device which control emperors were not prepared if they reject communication because the rights to decide final policies belong to them. Of course, Kedaoguan(科道官) and Duchayuan(都察院) installed in Qing Dynasty like the expostulation system in the traditional ages played role in expostulation and forthright statement. control function of royal authority was nominal. The main causes of them is that the final right to decide collection of public opinion and the power to appoint and dismiss officials lied in the hands of emperors. Appearance of assemblymen who are the representative organizations and spokesmen of citizens made a breakthrough to solve chronic deficiencies of communication structures in the traditional ages. The communication structures formed under appearance of the assembly system the big three changes as follow: First, the organization that leads communication between high levels and low levels changed from the administration system to the assembly system. Second, emperors in the traditional states that the representative organization that leads communication between high levels and low levels and members are responsible were changed to citizens who have suffrage. Finally, leadership of the communication structure was changed from monarches to assemblies which are the representative organizations of citizens. in the communication process, assemblymen in the houses of representatives could not help valuing public opinion trend of citizens and their results of the poll as basis and standard of communication.
  • 3.

    The Attitude of the United States In KMT-CCP Complications and Reconciliation (1941-1944)

    Hyungah Jung | 2010, (31) | pp.81~116 | number of Cited : 1
    This paper focuses on the United States intervention on The New Fourth Army Incident in 1941, external foreign propaganda between KMT and CCP in the beginning of 1940s and the KMT-CCP Negotiation in 1944 led by Hurley and the responses from KMT and CCP along with the transformation of the interactions between the two parties and foreign intervention. The incidents above may appear irrelevant, but all lie in the same frame. One thing worth mentioning about the New Fourth Army Incident is the role of international pressure in its resolution. Some Chinese scholars propose the influence of international pressure in easing the KMT’s anticommunist policies, but the effectiveness of such pressure leave rooms for questions. For example, according to materials that was exposed up to now, it's not easy to explain that the United States carried out a aggressive attitude in intervening the New Fourth Army Incident. However, it seems KMT was not able to entirely reject the U. S advice due to its needs of economical aid. Thus, KMT attempted in reducing the New Fourth Army Incident from a political and ideological collision to merely an internal disciplinary crisis. The identical logic follows for KMT’s relationship with the Soviet Union as the former was reluctant in stimulating the latter with ideological conflicts thus placing its financial assistance in jeopardy. In 1944, the United States obtained a central role in convincing the reconciliation between KMT and CCP. Desperate in warding off the Japanese, the United States urged KMT for a negotiation with CCP for an agreement between the two. However, the different stances of KMT and CCP in the concept of ‘coalition’ and ‘unification’ resulted in the difficulty in reaching an agreement. TheU.S understanding in the rooted conflict between the two parties was much too vague. Surely an agreement between the two parties would have been significant in bringing the U.S a victory in the Pacific War, which highlights the crucial relationship between domestic and foreign policies. However, the negotiation between KMT and CCP ended a failure and re-invoked a civil war.
  • 4.

    The Politics of Power and Communication -with a special reference to modern discourses of social contract in England-

    Lee Hwayong | 2010, (31) | pp.117~153 | number of Cited : 4
    This paper aims to reconstruct the ‘social contract theory’ in the seventeenth and eighteenth century in terms of communication and reconciliation. In the beginning of seventeenth century, there emerged the idea of modern social contract, which argued that the formation of society was based on individuals' will. In England, Thomas Hobbes and John Locke were the representative thinkers of the ‘social contract theory’ in the seventeenth and eighteenth century, that is the tumultuous period of the English Civil Wars. The core of modern theory of social contract lies in voluntarism, in which political legitimacy originates from the will of the individuals which are composed of a society. On the other hand, the modern theory of social contract is the historical product of the seventeenth and eighteenth century, when the kings came into severe conflict with the civil society initiated by parliaments. This paper explores the nature and meaning of political communication in Hobbes' and Locke's theory of social contract. To this end, I seek to elaborate the issues in the political conflicts of the seventeenth and eighteenth century, how the society was split by the conflicts, how to understand the opposing arguments, and what Hobbes and Locke proposed to bring them together. By doing so, this paper intends to provide clues and lessons for the problems of communication and reconciliation which we have faced today.
  • 5.

    "Taiwanese Consciousness" During Japanese Colonization: Its Formational Background and Characteristics

    Son Jun Sik | 2010, (31) | pp.155~196 | number of Cited : 12
    Abstract PDF
    This article deals with the speculation on the formational background and characteristics of "Taiwanese consciousness" during the Japanese colonization, which becomes the mental background of Taiwanese liberation theory, that is, the biggest issue of the current Taiwanese society. The Taiwanese society during the Chung Dynsty was not equipped with the condition to develop "Taiwanese consciousness" on the basis of the territorial identity of Taiwan. It was because Taiwan at that time was regionally divided into several districts between north and south, which were rarely contacted with one another, and thereby, its administrative districts were also determined by this regional restrictions, and each administrative districts developed its own discrete community on the basis of "township economy." Furthermore, in the early stage of main Chinese immigration to Taiwan, the immigrants considered regional consolidation as important, and built their community on the basis of their regional language identity. In fact, these immigrants regarded their regional hometown of China as their place of identification, and thus, their regional consciousness was very strong, causing frequent conflicts between different regional groups. Since then, as the main Chinese immigrants (the people of Han tribes) got domesticated in Taiwan, the regional consciousness got blurred and a new collective consciousness to consider Taiwan as their object of identity emerged by 1860s. However, this took the time of Japanese colonization to get concertized as a complete Taiwanese consciousness. Japan could occupy Taiwan as a result of the Sino-Japanese War, but it paid the big price to cope with the strong resistance by Taiwanese people. However, most of anti-Japanese resistances by armed Taiwanese people were pre-modern forms of protest based upon Chung dynasty as their national identity or setting up the motto for the change of old dynasty. In this respect, the Taiwanese society in the early stage of Japanese colonization could not form the Taiwanese national identity as well as the Taiwanese consciousness as their local identity. By the animosity against their betrayed country and the love for their land as well as the separation policy of Japanese colonial government, Taiwanese people were getting segregated from China and accumulated Taiwanese consciousness against the exploitation and racial discrimination by the Japanese colonial government. After their occupation of Taiwan, Japan stabilized the public security by subduing the protest groups, and built up the infrastructure of capitalist system by renovating the real estate controlling system and constructing the transportation system. They also set up the colonial economic system to make Taiwan as a place for providing food and tropical products. Japanese colonial exploitation could be found in the tax burden of Taiwanese people and the heavy influx of Japanese industrial capital as well as the percentage of industrial laborers and teenage laborers. It could be also found in the confiscation of pageantry lands by allowing the Japanese capital group to use those lands as well as the policy of allowing Japanese sugar company to control the price of sugar cane products. On the one hand, Japan set up the despotic system to control rights and duties of Taiwanese people by adopting acting- legislature system, and this tendency continued in the general governor system. To maintain this system, the Japanese colonial government functioned as a police state by employing the intimidating and vast power of the police. The police threatened Taiwanese people to obey the government and discriminated them with their power and authority. The racial discrimination to Taiwanese people was done in the recruitment of government officials, their promotion and salary as well as the education opportunity and content, teacher's quality, education budget and school admission system. Particularly, school education functioned as a means of reconfirming the social relationship and political role between the oppressors and the oppressed. On the other hand, various policies by Japanese colonial government in Taiwan resulted in the consolidation of Taiwanese modern consciousness and the figuring out of regional problems, even though they were originally for the benefit of Japan. The construction of transportation network promoted social mobility, and thereby, it narrowed down the distance between ethnic groups. The currency reform and measure reform instigated the distribution of the goods and the capital. Japanese language policy eradicated the serious communication problems that many dialects caused among the local tribes. As a result, the consolidation between local tribes was strengthened and the local township based economy was converted into the national market economy. Also, industrialization and urbanization promoted social communication in Taiwan, and thus, propelling the formation of Taiwanese consciousness. By these background that I mentioned above, the Taiwanese consciousness as a local identity became dominant by 1920s, and it was confirmed by the use of the term "Taiwan" and the "Taiwanese people." The Taiwanese imagination, which started by Taiwanese students in Japan, became stronger by anti-colonial resistance, but it broke up by the strategic conflicts. By the attitude to national identity and the means of movement, The anti-colonial movement of the Taiwanese people during the Japanese colonization can be categorized into "Nationality Group", "Watching Group", "Taiwanese Revolution Group," and "Enlightenment Group." "Nationality Group" and "Watching Group" set the return to China as their ultimate goal, and in that sense, these two groups looked similar in their identity attitude, but "Nationality Group" was protesting in the mainland of China while "Watching Group" was in Taiwan and they could not but admit the Japanese power. "Watching Group" recognized that they could not liberate Taiwan from Japanese power, but they adopted the strategy of distinguishing Taiwanese people from Japanese people by employing "Han Race" and "China-centric Ethnicity" for the consolidation of Taiwanese people. Consequently, they promulgated "Taiwanese consciousness" as an independent local unit, representing the Chinese consciousness in reaction to Japanese consciousness. "Taiwanese Revolution Group", which was led by the leftist intellectuals, tened toward the class movement, even though they promulgated "Taiwanese Nationality" and "Taiwanese Independence". The Taiwanese liberation, which was the motto of "Nationality Group", only implied the liberation from Japan. On the other hand, Taiwanese consciousness of "Taiwan Literary Group" which represented "Enlightenment Group" was different from Chinese consciousness in that they put an emphasis on the dominancy of Taiwanese literature.
  • 6.

    Ancient Egyptian Understandingof the Afterlife and Soul

    DongGyw Lee | 2010, (31) | pp.197~227 | number of Cited : 3
    Herodotus wrote that Egypt is the gift of the Nile, which presents the characteristics of Egyptian culture well. In ancient Egypt, the influence of the Nile was almost absolute on every aspect of the society, such as state administration, division of seasons, the way of thinking, etc. Especially, the flood of the Nile, which occurs in annual circular manner, did influence the life and perception of the ancient Egyptian people. As a result, Ancient Egyptian notion of gods, the afterlife, and the human was differentiated much from those of adjacent Mesopotamian culture. In these circumstances, this is intended to examine the afterlife and souls in ancient Egyptian understanding. The notion of the afterlife in Egyptian thought is attested from the beginning of Egyptian history through archaeological remains, both textual and non-textual. Between them, it is textual documents which betray their understanding of the afterlife in detail. These are called as funerary or mortuary texts, to which Pyramid Texts, Coffin Texts, and the Book of the dead may befall, and they went through changes with the times. The ancient Egyptian believed that the human consists of several aspects of body, soul, and etc. Human body could be classified, according to its status, as body, corpse, and mummy, while soul might be presented as akh, ba, ka, and so on. However, the long period of Egyptian documentary history gave some fluidity onto these divisions and their definitions. To be an intact human, one should maintain the unity of all these body and souls, and the mummy represents well their efforts to preserve this unity after death. Also, this world and nether world were not disconnected from one another in their understanding. From Coffin Texts on, judging the dead is an important part of their journey into nether world, and the judging is deeply connected with morality of the dead in this world. Thus, the main purpose of the Book of the dead is to purge sins of the dead and provide to them the knowledge and information needed for their journey of the afterlife. The ultimate goal, however, is the overcome of death. Pyramid Texts kept saying that “Rise up, You are not dead!” which reveals the notion of “denial of the death.” This denial is a perpetual theme of ancient Egyptian mortuary texts, and it is this denial which shows the aim of human being in ancient Egyptian thought.
  • 7.

    The partnership between Socialists and Environmentalists for Urban Public Development: Demolition of Paris Fortification Walls and Uses of their lot in the early 20th century

    민유기 | 2010, (31) | pp.229~264 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    This thesis is designed to demonstrate that the partnership between socialists and environmentalists contributed to the fact that Paris fortification walls torn down in 1920’s and their surrounding land were transformed for public uses, not for speculative development. To provide such an analysis, this study explores these main themes: how different the positions of socialist and environmentalist were regarding the uses of the fortification walls and their vacant lots, what kinds of shared interest the two groups had, and more specifically, how the walls and their surroundings were refurbished and utilized. The fortification walls were built 10km away from the city center for military defenses. With the neighboring small communes being annexed to Paris, the walls became the border encircling the city in 1860. At the turn of 20th century, the removal of the walls became a controversial issue because they proved ineffective in the defense of the city. Socialists in Paris municipal council argued that the walls needed to be destroyed and Social Housing should be built for working class. On the other hand, the bourgeois environmentalists argued that the walls should be replaced by public parks, serving as an open space to beautify the city and improve the urban hygiene conditions. The two competing opinions were reconciled as Musee Social functioning as a think tank of conservative social reform and socialists embraced the ideas of open space. The partnership between environmentalists and socialists was attributable to their common recognition that transferring the lot to private sectors would encourage speculative development and that public properties should be rehabilitated for public interest. The fortification walls and their surrounding land demolished in 1920’s were transformed into a complex of social housing, public parks, and sports facilities, and university dormitories. The public development of the Peripherie as a boundary between Paris and its suburban towns has many meaningful implications for social discussions over the urban development.