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『Shuyi書儀』 is recorded in 『Goryeosa高麗史』 yeji禮志, but it has not been studied in this country because of the scarcity of historical sources. 『Shuyi書儀』 comments on letter writing and courtesy by means of a letter model texts and a ritual ceremony. 『Shuyi書儀』 includes five ceremonies五禮 of Confucianism takes it meaning from courtesy. As recorded in『Goryeosa高麗史』『Shuyi書儀』prescribes that the “death days of parents holidays” and the “types of clothes吉服 of those who enter the court.” The regulation of the former was carried out by the 『Goryeosa高麗史』<yeji禮志> Hyung-rye凶禮, the government official class in their spare time 백관급가, and by the enforcement of criminal law 『Goryeosa高麗史』<Hyungbeobji刑法志> 公式.. The spare time of the management class was not based on 『Shuyi書儀』 ; rather, it was ordered in “compliance with the system依制 of 0bokgeubgasik 五服給暇式: compliance with Oejomosik依外祖父母式, compliance with the Songje依宋制, compliance with Oejomorye 依外祖父母例,” and so on. In the long run, 『Shuyi書儀』dictated the contents utilized of the mourning ceremony(喪儀). In the Goryeo period, when the historical significance of the 『Shuyi書儀』 emerged, the real prescriptive power of [Zhou-li周禮], [li-ji禮記], and [Yi-li 儀禮] in China was insufficient. Its successive influence is difficult to ascertain from the time of the Silla新羅 period 『Shuyi書儀』as a system of Song宋. After all, 『Shuyi書儀』 makes up the real prescriptive power of courtesy; the real conformability of the Goryeo period was secured with the foundation of traditional succession under the Silla era. It was established by Sangjonggogumre(詳定古今禮) at Uijong(毅宗). We can therefore understand the history of courtesy from the Early Goryeo period.

This paper focuses on the process of conflict and periodic change of political organizations on overseas Chinese society in Korea. Based on fieldwork this article analyzes how public political processes and personal relationships overseas Chinese in Incheon interact and face various tensions by focusing on political and economical organizations. Through this research I will illuminate how traditional socal capitals of Chinese like guanxi are transformed to political capitals and the significance of the changes that are taking place in overseas Chinese society in conjunction with the appearance of Western rationality. The important socio-political principles operating in overseas Chinese society in Incheon are guanxi(關係), renqing(人情), mianzi(面子), and bao(報). The banquet(qingke, 請客) is the place and space where these principles are comprehensively practiced. Therefore the ownership of such social capitals is an important virtue of a leader and the leadership is measured by how well he or she converts social capitals to political capitals. Nevertheless these socio-political principles of overseas Chinese society are negotiated and rearranged as the need for economic rationality and community service arose after the normalization between south Korea and China in 1992.

Multi-culturalism is the idea confronted to integration policies of the nation-state based on the assimilation claiming one culture, language, and nation. This is a public declaration presupposing the establishment of a national management model on cultural diversity. In only cultural diversity, human rights and freedoms of the individual and collective can increase, creative energy can display, and confirming and continuing philosophy and public norms can be led to truly social integration. Multi-culturalism can be deployed as very flexible and broad interpretation in terms of terms containing a variety of responses on the multi-cultural situations. For these reasons, the research on multi-culturalism becomes often a prerequisite theoretical acceptance the results of a case in most foreign countries. And based on this, because multi-cultural studies in Korea society are making progress, theoretical research has gone into a full-fledged orbit than in the past. In reality, of course, the quest for multi-cultural education and multi-cultural society is still low, however also, it will be carried out intensive research in academia. Underlying this view, by more intensify a variety of cultural characteristics the Korea society ​​today embracing, it is because the judge they will proceed the process investigate and enunciate causes in the history of Korea. Overall, tendencies on Korea's multi-culturalism or multi-cultural research are firstly based on a theoretical framework centering the first overseas cases, and second, specific research on historical review or investigation are trifle, but continue, and products of research accumulated in terms of language education, literature, social welfare are the most prominent. Research and practical steps on related to multi-culturalism in current Korea society has been emphasized as social welfare aspects backed up in the reality. Because of this reason, multi-cultural society of Korea might be progressed without a solid theoretical foundation. From ancient times to the present day, because of the reason, because it is first works lightening and enunciating a variety of cultural layers accepted and applied in Korea society that you can see the work first, how to solve issues of power such as gender, class, surrounding, and group and obscured under a single national identity? It is urgent challenge needed in the liberalization and globalization era.

Hu an-guo(1074∼1138) was a famous thinker and scholar in Song Dynasty. He played an important role in the field of thought as a bridge between North and South Song dynasty. His main work, Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals was completed in the crucial period: the fall of North Song and the birth of South Song. The Spring and Autumn Annals, which was compiled by Confucius, is the most influenced 'bible' included as one of the Five Classics of Confucianism. It traditionally has been regarded as a historical text to be arranged on annalistic principles. but the text is terse and its contents limited, a number of commentaries were composed to explain and expand on its meanings. Hu's intention of interpretation and commentary was to maintain that Song Dynasty should recover the lost territory and fight back against the invader, Jin dynasty. In the meaning of context, He had used a lot of metaphor to express his political argument and to persuade his emperor not to surrender to Jin. Hu's Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals had been approved by Yuan and Ming dynasty as a standard interpretation in the civil service examinations with Three Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals: The Commentary of Gongyang (公羊傳), Guliang (榖梁傳), Zuo (左氏傳). Chosun Dynasty, established by the political system of Confucianism, also had respected Hu an-guo's achievement, and set up the shrine named by "Yong Baek(龍柏)" in 1666. It had been kept the sprit tablets of three persons, included Zhu-ge liang, Hu an-guo, Yoon Gye in the shrine, located in the province of Nam-yang. This paper is to tried to research the introduction and influence of Hu's Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals in Chosun Dynasty.

지금까지 학계는 원대에 城池 건축을 법률로 금지하도록 규정했다고 인식하고 있는데, 그 근거로 『元典章』<修城子無體例>의 기록을 들고 있다. 본문은 관련 문헌의 기록, 특히 30여 편의 원대 修城기록에 근거하여 원대에 성지를 축조하고 도성을 보호하기 위한 전문 기구, 관원, 군대를 설치했으며, 또한 지방에도 백성의 家産상황에 따라 성을 축조하는데 差役과 錢物을 부과하는 방법이 형성되었고, 이러한 방식은 송대가 주로 관부에서 그 비용을 출자하고 장병과 差役이 동시에 병존했던 것과는 다르며, 명대에도 계승되었다는 사실을 밝히고 있다. 이전까지 학계는 대체로 원나라 초에 남송의 관할구역에 있었던 본래의 성지를 철거했다고 밝히고 있지만, 본고의 고증에 의하면, 당시 철거 과정에서 일부의 성지는 여전히 남아있었다. 본고는 지방지와 고고학 자료를 이용하여, 원대 수성활동에 대하여 기본적으로 완전한 통계와 분석을 진행하였다. 즉, 원대에는 적어도 4백여 차례의 시공이 있었으며, 또한 관할구역 내 대다수의 행성에도 분포했다는 사실을 밝히고 있다. 송대의 施工이 장기적으로 지속되었던 특징과는 달리 원대는 주로 정권 말기에 집중되었다. 이러한 성지들 가운데, 塼石城은 일정한 비율을 점하고 있었으며, 또한 주로 江浙行省, 湖廣行省, 江西行省 등 남방지역에 분포하였다. 주의할만한 사실은 역대 수성이 모두 그 자체로 대단히 수고스런 노동을 필요로 했다는 것 이외에도 원대의 시공과정은 잔혹하고 약탈적인 특징이 분명하다는 사실이다. Scholars believe that Yuan Dynasty prohibitted the construction of cities.According to more than 30 articles of amendment city and other literature, this paper points out that there were specialized agencies, officials, army in Yuan Dynasty, which with the construction of the maintenance of the capital; assigned duty or activity by property and Corvee level. This approach was different from Song when funded mainly by the officials, both Zhuangcheng soldiers and farmers factotum. The Ming Dynasty inherited Yuan Dynasty’s this practice. Scholars have generally pointed out that Early Yuan Dynasty destroyed the city in the Southern Sung’s jurisdictions. this paper points out that in the course of destroying, a considerable number of cities would be retained. With a comprehensive statistics and analysis of fortification activities, the author points out that Yuan had at least more than 400 activities in the fortification and distributed in the vast majority of the Province. Different from long-term characteristics of Sung Dynasty, the main fortification activities concentrated at the end of regime. Brick and stone city also has a certain percentage, it was mainly distributed in the Zhejiang Province, Hu-Guang Province,Jiangxi Province and other southern area. It is worth noting that Yuan Dynasty fortification activities had brutal plundering of the characteristics.

This article tries to explain the meaning of the change of Sino-Korean relations in the 1880s, especially focusing on the connotation of the opening of Seoul. Western powers like Great Britain, Germany and Japan, who successively established treaty with korea, also insisted that they have the equal right for the opening of Seoul, based on the most privileged clause. As a result, Seoul was opened to every country for communications and commerce, which was very unusual in terms of international law only to bear various problems for Seoul. First, the Korean merchants in Seoul had to suffer from the loss in their profit, which resulted in reduction of revenues for the Choseon government. Second, the opening of Seoul and Incheon at the same time offended the status of Han River and resulted in the conclusion of Mapo Regulation. Due to the influx of foreign goods and merchants, Seoul's stability was incresingly threatened and it resulted in serial arsons (presumably) by Korean merchants. Finally, the problems that the regulation on the opening of Seoul induced anti-Chinese sentiment among Seoul citizens, and this led to everyday attacks on Chinese merchants in Seoul. In this sense, opening of Seoul was one of the worst byproduct of the rules which was forced on Korea by the Chinese government, which had claimed suzerainty without capacity to protect Korea.

This study is dedicated to examining how the public sphere for French family protection policy and social security reform was formed in the first half of the 20th century. To that end, it focuses on three areas: development of French family protection policy during that period, employer paternalism that affected the policy and actions of family movement groups, and labor unions and left-wing party’s positions and demands regarding the policy. A sense of crisis about decreasing population, which had emerged at the turn of the 20th century, became all the more aggravated since the World WarⅠ. In response, employer based on paternalism began to provide their workers with family allowance. In the 1920’s, conservative political groups improved the family policy through an array of legislations designed for supporting families with multiple children. In 1932, a law that made family allowance mandatory was enacted, and in 1939, a law known as the Family Code was introduced. The development of family policy between the two World Wars was affected by the National Alliance for Population Growth, and other family advocacy groups based on catholic social movement. Until the 1920’s, labor unions and left wing party were inactive in promoting family protection policy. They thought that family allowance led to a cut in laborers’ wages and could serve as a tool for employers to control the working class. During the Great Depression in the 1930’s, however, as the living condition of the working class worsened, they began to demand the government to promote more active family protection policy. In short, the ongoing discussions and initiatives for family protection by different groups ― National Alliance for Population Growth, a diversity of family movement groups, labor unions, and conservative politicians and left wing party― led to the formation of the public sphere for the birth of social security system after the World WarⅡ.

No individual life is free from social and historical change. War is one of the strongest factors which occur changes in society in a great scale. The effects of war on individual lives seem to be various according to such conditions as gender, age, socio-economic backgrounds and so forth. This paper examines the effects of Korean war on women's lives based on oral histories of seven women who experienced the Korean War as unmarried and nineteen to twenty-five year old girls. Especially, this study focuses on the ways in which the Korean War affected experiences of economic activity of these unmarried women. The oral history interviews conducted on these seven women show the ways in which women experience works, and also the process and characteristics that they selected jobs and continued or discontinued their work career by the war in terms of motives and kinds of jobs and occupations. Besides, this study looks into the ways in which their family and parents consider their daughter's work as a family strategy in the social dislocation of wartime. Moreover, it examines how these women remembers their work experiences in relation to war and give meanings to their economic activities. Exploring these matters through women's oral history, this paper attempts to explore the characteristics of labor participation and work patterns during the Korean war and the effects of the war made to unmarried women who experienced the war in their early twenties compared to other generations of women.

A new dimension of understanding for the Korean War is necessary to reassess and examine the Korean society of today. As an attempt to approach this issue, We have dealt with violence and everyday life of the disabled veterans. The most violent act of the disabled veterans was 'Chilgok accident'. The disabled veterans not received food rations. They feel anger and they occupied the police illegally. Joint ROK-UNCACK Committee; For the purpose of coordinating activities dealing with disabled veterans` problems. This Committee was formed in June 1952. The Committee was especially concerned with the problems involved in the initial transfer of patients from korea hospitals to the receiving installation under the supervision of civilian agencies. No mittings have been held since 8 Nor 1952. The government took steps in establishing a rehabilitation center at each province. Each rehabilitation center would contain 1,000 persons and 2,000 persons totaling 12,000 at 12 center. The provision categorized only a few of veterans with apparent physical injuries as annuity recipients. This unfair treatment towards the veterans did not function as a cure for injured bodies and souls but rather as a tool to persistently implement anticommunist sentiment.