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2012, Vol., No.36

  • 1.

    试论高句丽弓矢文化② ― “弓矢图”与高句丽“弓矢文化” ―

    ZHENG JINGRI | 2012, (36) | pp.5~25 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract
    궁시(弓矢)는 원시시대부터 가장 우수한 비병(飛兵)으로서 사람들의 생활에서 불가결의 도구였으며 또한 무기였었다. 이는 화약무기의 사용이 시작된 중세기부터 근세에 이르기까지도 무기계의 주요 위치에 놓여 있었다. 고구려족(高句麗族)을 포함한 한국 고대 여러 종족들의 궁시가 매우 발달하였는데 그 중에서도 가장 강성하였던 고구려의 궁시가 역시 대표적이라 생각된다. 고구려궁의 우수성으로 하여 주변나라에서 고구려에서 “출호궁”(出好弓)한다는 미명을 얻기도 하였다. 궁시문화(弓矢文化)는 북방민족이 공동이 지니고 있는 문화의 일종이긴 하지만 고구려와 같이 궁시 관련 내용이 문헌에 빈번히 출현하고, 실감 있는 벽화가 자주 등장하며, 풍부한 고고유물이 출토되는 경우는 극히 드물다. 본고에서는 고구려벽화에서 나타나는 궁시도(弓矢圖)에 초점을 맞춰 고구려 궁시문화의 일면을 논증하고자 한다. 주지하다시피 고구려벽화는 고구려인의 삶을 그대로 재현하고 있다. 고구려고분벽화는 회화사적으로 높은 가치를 지니고 있을 뿐만 아니라 고대사회의 문화와 그 시대 사람들의 삶을 엿볼 수 있는 가장 중요한 실물자료라 하겠다. 이러한 고구려벽화의 우수성은 이미 세계에 알려져 2004년에는 중국, 북한에 산재한 일부 고구려벽화고분이 세계문화유산에 등재되기도 하였다. 고구려인들이 궁시를 얼마나 중요시하였는가는 고구려벽화자료가 잘 알려주고 있다. 궁시도가 고구려벽화에서 차지하는 비중은 더 말할 나위 없다. 생활풍속도에서 자주 등장하는 수렵도, 웅장한 행렬도 및 신령에게 부여된 활, 이 모든 것들은 고구려인이 실생활에서 활을 어떻게 사용하였고, 활에 대한 숭상이 얼마나 지극하였는가를 잘 보여주고 있다. 본고는 고구려 궁시문화의 그 어떤 독창성을 논증하고자 하는 것은 아니다. 다만 고구려사회에서 궁시문화가 고구려의 경제, 정치, 군사 측면에서 소홀히 할 수 없는 작용을 일으켰음을 강조하고자 한다. 나아기 지금까지 “고구려 궁시문화”라는 개념이 학계에 아직 잘 알려지지 않은 현황에서 이 개념의 설정을 시도하고자 하는 면도 있다. 그러나 자료의 부족과 학식의 결핍으로 다른 지역, 다른 민족과의 비교를 겸하여 논하지 못하였는데 향후 이 점을 계속 보완하고자 한다.
  • 2.

    Study on Goryeo Ceramics Excavated under the Daeji-Am of the Samcheon Temple Site

    Namwon Jang | 2012, (36) | pp.27~61 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract
    This study attempts to examine the state and characteristics of ceramics excavated around the Daeji-Am in the Samcheon Temple Site on Mt. Bukhan. According to the survey results, where the pagoda street of Daejikuksa, a Buddhist monk of the Goryeo Dynasty, and its subsidiary buildings were located, ceramics of a relatively early age were collected comprising mainly of relics from the early Goryeo to the early Joseon Dynasty. The collected relics of the Goryeo Dynasty of Gaegyeong, Ganghwa and the Seoul metropolitan area, were similar. In the case of the Samcheon Temple Site, many quality ceramics were found because it was closely related with the royal court. Various ceramics were excavated from the end of the 10th century to the 14th century when the temple was very active. Most of the excavated relics were mainly high-quality ceramics of Gangjin and Buan including early celadons and white porcelains of the central region of the Korean peninsula. Furthermore, wooden relics accompanied the excavated relics of royal queen toms of the Ganghwa region that it is highly likely that the Samcheon Temple Site was continuously supplied a large amount of quality ceramics from Gangjin and Buan even after the invasion of Mongolians and that it continuously kept its link with the royal court. The shape of the excavated relics are similar to the already known relics related to the royal court of Hyeeumwonji and Manwoldae. In addition, a small amount of Chinese ceramics that have the same shape with those usually found in Korea, such as those from Yuezhouyao of Wu Dynasty to Yaozhouyao, Dingyao, Jianyao of Song Dynasty and Jingdezhenyao of the Ming Dynasty were excavated with Korean ceramics. Relics of the Joseon Dynasty were relatively fewer than the Goryeo, but high-quality Inhwabuncheong ceramics and specially large Samgang Buncheong wares were collected that it may be possible Daeji-Am and its surrounding buildings continued to play a role up to the early Joseon Dynasty. Around the Samcheon Temple Site, there were ceramic making sites around Wonheung-ri, Wondang, and Bugok-ri, Yangju, from the early Goryeo Dynasty. Among excavated relics, what looks like a bowl made in the white porcelain making site of Ilwon, Gyeonggi-do, or celadon and white porcelain materials that must have been made in surrounding ceramic making sites working in the northern region of Gyeonggi-do, were also found. In particular, the discovery of a large container for the insertion of ceramics in kilns estimated to have been used as burial materials to scare off evil spirits under the temple shows the possible existence of ceramic making sites around the Samcheon Temple Site.
  • 3.

    The Multi-cultural Space of the Great Han Empire : Jeong-dong

    Park, Kyoung-ha | 2012, (36) | pp.63~98 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    Seoul, the capital of South Korean, is fingering compressed growth with a huge city of population of ten million people over the past 100 years. Especially Jeong-dong among the center of Seoul is where the city's cultural heritage and modern features engaged in the stratified region physically and historically. When I look at them in an integrated and holistic view, its dynamics can be read in the full, and we will be able to identify as affectively multi-cultural nature of enlightenment by the historical layers overlap. In this paper, I examined that Jeong-dong’s nature of as a multi-cultural space for the Great Han empire divided into three; Emperor Gojong’s Han fortress renovation plan, Jeong-dong’s function as diplomacy Town building the legation of the western countries surrounding Gyeongungung Palace, and the meaning of Jeong-dong as the cradle of missionary activity and modern education. And I mentioned above, a strange coexistence of diverse and unique Jeong-dong’s space, the appearance as a source of new culture international exchanges and the stage of diplomacy, and from now, for more than 110 years ago it was Jeong-dong’s view as a multi-cultural space of the Great Han Empire . Today's Jeong-dong also as a base of creative and vibrant core of Seoul Korean multi-cultural society the 21st century fused, history, art, and cultural diversity. Developing a variety of cultural harmony and physical space scattered in Jeong-dong, achieving culture hub meeting international cultural exchange center. It's the Jeong-dong’s look that lives in a multi-cultural society the 21st century.
  • 4.

    A Study on Melissa Cha's Korean Female Education during the Japanese Colonial Period

    Kim, Seong Eun | 2012, (36) | pp.99~148 | number of Cited : 12
    Abstract
    Melissa Cha was a new woman studied in China and the U.S. After returning home, she was a teacher and the superintendent of the dormitory in Baewha girl’s school, organized Korean Female Education Association (조선여자교육회), and opened woman's night school (부인야학). This school named Geunwha private educational institute (근화학원) and established day school as an annex. After that, Geunwha woman's school (근화여학교) was recognized one of miscellaneous schools which meant non regular(formal) school and an exclusive day school including elementary and middle courses by the Japanese Government General of Korea. At last it had become Geunwha girls' vocational school (근화여자실업학교) as recognizing a commercial school and a regular middle course of study. This thesis paid attention to changable aspect of Melissa Cha's emphasis of understanding on Korean woman's education and various courses of the school. She established and expanded the school according to her belief that Korean women need a school establishing and managing by Korean. At the beginning of woman's night school, her concern of Korean woman's education was elementary level. And she set a goal to improve Korean women's life and harmony husbands and wives through Korean alphabet education of housewives. She understood Korean female education could solve Korean women's rights issue. She thought Korean society would realize true gender equality through women's education, cultivating her ability and personality, and gaining freedom and liberation. Also she focused on women's vacational education for her economic independence. So sewing course and commercial course was established as new departments at Geunwha woman's school. In the early 1920s, shortage of educational institution and increasing Korean women's passion for education aggravated her difficulties in obtaining school admission. Correspondence to these social needs, she changed institute's system of day and night course, ordinary course, and prep class for middle school into Geunwha woman's school characterized day school, and ordinary and advanced courses. Although characteristic of this school still placed emphasis on elementary education regardless of student's age, school carried out humanities and industrial courses, ordinary and advanced courses, and professional education side by side. At the moment, she inclined to humanities secondary school and professional course as higher education. She emphasized on job training and practical instruction at the same time for both housewives and working women. And she began to establish a foundation school for regular secondary vocational school including both homemaking and commercial courses. Finally she earned the recognition of Geunwha girls' vocational school. But it limited to commercial school. Homemaking course did not accept. In spite of it, this meant a lot. Graduates' abilities and educational backgrounds would recognize officially according to raising in status of regular school. And It would make huge strides to activate Korean women's economic independence, social activities, and improvement of her status and rights. Melissa Cha's emphasis on Korean female education issue and educational direction of Geunwha women's school moved in various way according to social need, government's policy and her perception of reality.
  • 5.

    조선족 농민의 비농화와 국제이주 : 연길시 M마을의 사례를 중심으로

    金華善 | 2012, (36) | pp.149~186 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract
    自从1980年初开始,中国进行改革开放以后越来越多的中国农民流入到城市去就业,近30年来中国的“农民工”人口已达到了1.2亿名。2011年,在中国历史上第一次出现了城市人口比农村人口多的新的现象。与汉族相比较,1990年代以后,中国朝鲜族农民的国际迁移就业化趋势越来越突出,大部分朝鲜族村庄已变成了排出大量国际移民的“移民母村”。为此,本文的研究目的是探讨改革开放以后中国朝鲜族农民的非农化方式的特点与国际迁移之间的关系。本文选择一个朝鲜族村庄 M村为个案分析对象,采取深层访谈为主的质性研究方法,揭示了朝鲜族农民通过发展明太鱼加工产业推进“就地非农化”的努力与通过国际迁移就业实现非农化的两种非农化方式之间的抗争过程。研究结果表明,第一,不管是发展加工业还是国际迁移就业,朝鲜族农村女性在非农化的过程中起了开拓性的引领作用。第二,朝鲜族农民在发展加工产业的过程中由于种种原因经不住市场经济的考验失败了,这表明朝鲜族农民要在市场经济环境中生存、发展,需要接受再学习、再教育的制度方面的支持。第三,朝鲜族农民普遍选择国际迁移就业作为最佳非农化方式,导致了朝鲜族村庄的 “移民母村”化,带来了村落经济结构、人口与家庭结构、亲密性结构等方面的诸多变化。
  • 6.

    A research about ideal type of human being in Tang period

    Jongseob Kim | 2012, (36) | pp.187~222 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract
    Prenatal educational care(胎敎) is artificially creating a child's character but is not inherently to accept that is given. In the Han age(漢代), prenatal educational care was made to enlighten disorderly life of the imperial family, main targets were women. In the Tang age(唐代), education was valued to an unborn child at prenatal educational care, main targets changed to an unborn child. This change became a chance for spreading from imperial family to the people prenatal educational care. The main contents of prenatal educational care is contents of Zhouwenwang(周文王)`s mother. This contents of education was transmitted into after ages. According to development of society contents of prenatal educational care was diversified by medical books, buddhism etc. Liu Xiang(劉向) argued that ideal type of human being was 'a decent appearance(容貌端正)' and 'a great talent(才德過人)' through prenatal educational care. The Tang people(唐人) thought that ideal type of human being was 'filial piety and brotherly love(孝悌)', 'extraordinary'. It is a little difference to compare idea of Liu Xiang and Tang people. But this ideal type of human being was restricted to boundary of confucianism. This mean there is another function to prenatal educational care. That is a primary function in social control. Not only pregnant women but also her husband have to be careful of behavior until a child’s birth. As a result, prenatal educational care was contributed to stability of society. Therefore, in tang ages, prenatal educational care was operated as means of social control, produced ideal type of human being in limitation of confucianism.
  • 7.

    <宋史筌>에 나타난 王安石과 王安石의 改革

    Lee, Geun-myung | 2012, (36) | pp.223~252 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract
    <宋史筌>的史实叙述方面在继承<宋史>主体的同时,对其凌乱无序的编排结构进行了调整,并且通过增补史实,对解开部分历史谜团提供新材料。在形式上以及宋代历史的认识和理解上,<宋史筌>基本承袭自<宋史>,但是正祖和<宋史筌>的撰述者们还赋予了<宋史筌>全新的史观和精神。例如<宋史筌>的列传之所以引人注目,主要原因在于它有关后妃、宗室、公主、五贤、遗民的记述。在<宋史>里,后妃、宗室都列入列传之中,而在<宋史筌>里,后妃升格进入<本纪>,宗室则进入<世家>;公主在儒家的名分论中,其位置是有争议的,因此在宋史筌中,还是归入列传之中;在在<宋史>里,周敦颐、程颢、程颐、张载、朱熹等构成程朱理学道统的五子被列入<道学传>,但是在<宋史筌>里,为表明他们特别尊崇的地位,专为他们新设了<五贤传>。此外,<遗民传>也是<宋史筌>的特色之一,在<宋史>及其所衍生出的史书里,都没有的<遗民传>。<宋史筌>和<宋史新编>都继承了<宋史>对王安石的评价,且其本传都是在添削<宋史><王安石传>的基础上构成。但是<宋史筌>和<宋史新编>的修改性质有所不同。<宋史筌>是单纯的缩写内容,而<宋史新编>中却到处都是对原文的添削和变形。相比较而言,<宋史筌>依据朱子学的名分论和正统论的倾向比较强。<宋史筌>比较详细的介绍<义例>,而且每卷作成独自的论赞,有时项目的序头附记项目的小序。<宋史筌>的这些部分对宋代史实有独到的见解与眼光。而通过这部分内容,可以看出<宋史筌>对王安石及其新法认识是彻底否定,几乎没有任何肯定。<宋史筌>对王安石前后人物评价的标准也是其对王安石及其新法的态度。例如,在曾公亮、陈升之、吴充、王珪等的列传后部分的论赞,对他们的评价只与他们对王安石和新法的态度有关,而对他们的人品、事蹟、学问的成就等是全然不在考虑之列。反对王安石及其新法的人物都得到了肯定的评价。
  • 8.

    豊臣秀吉의 冊封問題와 壬亂期의 講和交涉 : 정유재란의 원인을 중심으로

    KIM MOON JA | 2012, (36) | pp.253~288 | number of Cited : 11
    Abstract
    本稿では壬辰倭亂期に行われた和議交渉の中で ‘豊臣秀吉の日本国王の册封問題’が丁酉再亂の勃發にどのような関係があるのかについて再検討をした。その結果、第一番に、日本で册封問題は将軍という政治․ 軍事の實權者が自分の必要と意志によって積極的に冊封を受け入れったり、または初めから斷絶した。つまり、日本にとって中國との冊封關係は外交的な選擇の問題であったのである。日本が歴代中國王朝と冊封關係を結んだ例は15回に過ぎない。ところが、朝鮮をはじめ中國と冊封を結んだ周邊の國々は中國大陸を支配する政治勢力と一応冊封關係を結めば、その王朝が滅亡する前までは引き続いて維持してきたのである。 二番目に、講和交涉に関する三國の立場を検討した結果, 朝鮮は初めから日本の交渉要求を受け入れられない条件の多かったため拒否した。日本軍の侵略を直接的に受けた當事國として朝鮮は講和交涉にはあくまでも反対する立場であった。戰勢が回復すると武力に日本軍を擊退しようとしたのである。しかし、戦争が追い込むに至ったては戰況と明の要求によって日明講和交渉に賛成せざるをえなかったのである。明の立場は1593年1月、平壤城を收復したものの、2月に碧蹄館で日本に大敗すると、日本と講和交渉を再開しながら戦争を早速に終結しようとした。機會のある度、明側は秀吉が明皇帝に赦罪する書を奉れば彼を日本國王に封じるという条件を提示しながら壓迫した。明朝廷では最初、日本の封貢に対して賛否があったものの、朝鮮側が封貢を奏請すると冊封だけなしとげれば日本軍は完全に撤退するであろうと信じ、日本を冊封体制の中に編入しようとしたのである。日本側も碧蹄館の戦いで明に勝利はしたものの、幸州山城で朝鮮に負けた後は大陸の寒氣․兵糧不足․朝鮮軍の抵抗などによって軍の戰意は失い、軍内での厭戰および撤收の雰圍氣が充満した。兵力の損失が大きくなると秀吉も行長の提議を受け止めざるをえなかったのである。日本軍の部分撤收を認めた秀吉は自分が日本國王に冊封されるのを熟知し、明との和議交渉を認めたのである。最後に、秀吉が冊封をもらった当時の状況と丁酉再亂が勃發した原因をみると、秀吉は明の 冊封の手続きを受け止め書冊と金印,誥命などをもらい、自分が日本國王に任命されたことを知っていたに。ただし、以後、沈惟敬と再び会った際、朝鮮での撤退問題がはみでると日明講和交涉は破れた。それにもかかわらずこの問題が後代になってからは秀吉がまるで冊封を拒否したものと歪曲され伝えられたのである。秀吉は長い期間、戦争で兵士らの戰意は次第に失い、軍内での厭戰雰圍氣と兵力の損失が大きくなると明との和議交渉を通じてこの問題を解決しようとしたのである。戦争を開始し、または終結する時も秀吉は明に対する冊封の槪念を忠誠や從屬とは異なる任意的․ 實利的な次元で接近しようとしたのではないかと思う。そのため戰況によって明の日本國王の提案が受け入れったり、また一方では明征服の野望を抱けたのである。秀吉を日本の国王に任命する冊封を通じて戦争を終わらせようとした明の意図と、不利な状況を切り抜けるため日明講和交渉という外交的、 經濟的な手段を通じて領土確保という実利を追求しようとした日本の見解の差が丁酉再亂を呼ぶつけたのである。したがって今まで通說として知られてきた<秀吉の日本國王の任命拒否説>を丁酉再亂の勃發の原因として把握するのは再考すべきである。
  • 9.

    ‘Red Jerusalem’: Birobidzhan, The Frustrated Jewish Republic in Soviet Union.

    Kayoung Ko | 2012, (36) | pp.289~330 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract
    The Soviet government, back in 1934, declared the foundation of the Autonomous Region for Jews in Birobidzhan, the far eastern area of its territory. The decision had considerable repercussions all over the world. Moscow emphasized the fact that the Jewish Autonomous Region was the first realizaton of the Jewish aspirations to have their own territory. Encouraged by the decision, many Jews came over to Birobidzhan harboring the dream to build a Jewish republic. They seemed to come a step closer towards their dream. But what drove the Soviet government to reach the decision was the Jewish petitions made in the course of the Revolution. In this sense, the gap was found between the cause of Soviet's realization of the Revolutionary promise and the reality of granting the autonomy for Jews in Birobidzhan. What the Soviet authority really wanted was to develop the frontier area in the far east with the expected Jewish fund from overseas. The leaders in Moscow saw that the development of rural area in the Crimean peninsula in the 1920s, designed to distribute farming land to the Jews, had drawn enormous funding from abroad. With the Birobidzhan project, the Soviets intended to strengthen the frontier area facing China. For that purpose, the authorities pursued the project as part of the Siberian development plan. They did so without proper preparations and sent the Jewish people into the undeveloped area. The Birobibzhan project can be divided into three stages. The first phase was the period between 1928 and 1929. In this period, the Jews who came to the area harboured the passion and hope and laid the foundation for the construction of the Jewish province against all odds. The second was between 1930 and 1933 in which the administrative center of the ‘Birobidzhan zone’ came into place. Economically they built collective farms and socio-culturally they gradually settled into the area. The third was the period after 1934, during which the government pursued the 2nd Five-Year Economic Plan. The Moscow leaders wanted to spurt on the development of the area and promoted Birobidzhan into ‘the Autonomous Region of Jews’. The soviet government blew the trumpet on the future plan to build a Jewish republic in Birobidzhan. But the lack of preparations and poor conditions drove many of the Jewish migrants away from the area. And the migration of Jews into the area gradually turned into a forced migration. Crucially in the late 1930s, Stalin made a purge of the Jews who were involved in constructing collective farms and the Jewish leaders, which brought the Jewish migration plan to a stop. The Jewish migration resumed a bit in the wake of the Great War. But finally the Birobidzhan project came to a tragic ending with the construction of Israel followed by mass crackdown on Jews. Birobidzhan became merely as a showcase of the project. The frustration left a painful lesson for the Jews. They came to have all the more enhanced aspirations to have their own state, not to be swayed by any other forces, the Zionism. The failure of the Birobidzhan project served as a turning point for those who opposed the Zionist project to come to accept it.
  • 10.

    The Musée Permanent des Colonies and the Nationalization of Imperialism

    김용우 | 2012, (36) | pp.331~361 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract
    This article focuses on the creation of the Musée Permanent des Colonies and the discourse behind its location, design, decorations, aims, and use of the collections to promote colonialism and Greater France. Referred to as the "soul" of Vincennes, the Musee Permanent des Colonies played a symbolic role during the legendary 1931 International Colonial Exposition in Paris as the physical embodiment of the Exposition itself. The Musée Permanent des Colonies was born in the dual context of celebration of the empire and the beginnings of the anticolonial movement. It appeared when the advantages of France being a great imperial power were touted at the Exposition, while at the same time armed resistance was spreading in the colonies and anti colonialism was growing in France. The discourse of Greater France constructed by colonial reformers was a response to this crisis. According to colonial reformers’ discursive construction, French empire functioned as a constitutive outside that made possible the very distinction between metropole and colony, modernity and tradition, citizen and subject through which Greater France was structured. By nationalizing imperial order these colonial reformers hoped to include the colonies geographically and exclude their natives legally without violating French republic’s liberal and democratic principles. I would like to argue that in its architecture, decorations and exhibitions, the Musée Permanent des Colonies was an embodiment of this idea of organizing oppositions of the imperial order.
  • 11.

    West Germany’s Immigration Policy until the Reunification - Was there long-term immigration policies? -

    Hyeoungjin Kwon | 2012, (36) | pp.363~416 | number of Cited : 9
    Abstract PDF
    The Federal Republic of Germany(West Germany) has been one of the important destination countries in Europe, despite the fact that until the reunification politicians have long refuse to acknowledge West Germany as an immigration country. The purposes of immigrants to West Germany were diverse. But three main types of international migration in West Germany were labor immigration, the immigration of ethnic Germans, and the immigration of non-German refugees and asylum seekers. While migrant workers were expected to stay only temporarily in West Germany, ethnic Germans were expected to stay permanently. Between 1945 and 1949, nearly 9.5 million German refugees and expellees flocked to the territory of today's Germany and about 9 million returnees settled in the western part of the country. Their acceptance and integration in general was eased by their ethnic origin, and the post-war economic boom. In real, they have had to undergo a real immigration process involving national identity, language, and cultural framework, although they are not foreigners according to the German Basic Law, and this situation continues to this day. Today, Aussiedler as Germans have the right of naturalization. Between 1945 and the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961, 3.8 million Germans moved from East Germany (the German Democratic Republic) to West Germany. In fact, obstacles like the wall failed to completely stem this flow. This immigration was welcomed economically by the West Germany's expanding industrial sector and politically as a rejection of East German regime's communist political and economic system. During the 1950s and 1960s, West Germany signed bilateral recruitment agreements with Italy in 1955, Spain and Greece in 1960, Turkey in 1961, Morocco in 1963, Portugal in 1964, Tunisia in 1965 and Yugoslavia in 1968. These agreements allowed the recruitment of Gastarbeiter(Guest Workers) to work in the industrial sector for jobs that required few qualifications. During the 1950s West Germany experienced a so-called Wirtschaftswunder(economic miracle) and needed more laborers. At first, Gastarbeiter received a work and residence permit for 1 year. This implied a rotation of the recruited workers, and the rule of forced rotation was changed gradually to allow workers to apply for permits to stay for 2 years, and, for 5 additional years. However, the rotation system failed – on the immigrants’ side because the workers tended to stay in West Germany for a longer time than anticipated, and on the employers’ side because the training costs for new workers were regarded as too high. In 1973, West Germany as well as other Western European conuntries decided to discontinue the Gastarbeiter policies. As a reaction to the end of recruitment, Gastarbeiter brought their families to live in West Germany, because family reunification was possible even after the recruitment ban. Half of the total immigration to West Germany in the next time consisted of family members. The immigrant workers became increasingly to stay permanently. Because Gastarbeiter had been building up social networks consisting of families, associations, and religious communities, a stable and great immigrant population was formed in West Germany. In the year 1990 the number of the immigrant workers exceeded the 5 million line. Since the mid-1980s increase of refugees and asylum seekers from the former Yugoslavia and from developing countries caused also this exceeding of the 5 million immigrants. In the Germany’s immigration history from the end of the World War II to the German reunification, the economy played the most important role: demand and supply in the German labor market. Multiculturalism and the social integration of the immigrants were, and are not so important as the economic reason.
  • 12.

    The Politics of Racism and Poverty : 2001 Oldham Riots

    YEOMWoonOk | 2012, (36) | pp.417~449 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    This paper examines the Oldham riots of in the spring and summer of 2001. Oldham located near Greater Manchester, north England, is a working class town with 100,000 people. In the 2001 census, the ethnic minority of Pakistani origin accounts for 6.3% and Muslims 11.1%. Pakistani and Bangladeshi immigrants came to the area since 1950 and 60s, from Mirpur, Punjab, Kashimir and Syhlet. The chain migration of the South Asian immigrants is the main cause behind the large proportion of very young population there compared to the white British community. In the years prior to the disturbances in Oldham, officially recorded racially motivated crimes against white residents of the town were higher than anywhere in Greater Manchester. Certain type of crime are more likely to be reported than others by media. The media reported South Asian Muslim agents of 2001 Oldham riots as "Asian gangs." The stereotyping of Asian young men has transformed them from being categorized as law-abiding and victims of racial violence to those who associated with criminality, drugs, violence and disorder. The transformation of racial stereotype prohibits one from understanding the nature of violence in the riots. As Kundnani rightly points out, the Oldham riots were "the violence of the violated." Furthermore, the riots was the struggle for recognition of the second and third generation of South Asian Muslims who were not benefited by multiculturalism and the politics of recognition. The Oldham riots became a threshold by which the British government policy has changed from multiculturaism to "community cohesion." In the discourse of "community cohesion" exists the high possibility of slippages from 'society' to 'community' and from 'community cohesion' to 'national cohesion'.
  • 13.

    조선족 정체성 담론

    허명철 | 2012, (36) | pp.451~470 | number of Cited : 21
    Abstract
    自20世纪90年代以来,朝鲜族的民族认同问题备受学术界的关注。究其原因,一方面是朝鲜族社会及文化发生了结构性变化,另一方面在与广泛的对外交流过程中其个体成员产生了一种身份认同和自我归属的渴望。但在众多的身份认同中,最基本且最稳定的是民族认同和国家认同。从历史的角度看,朝鲜族的族源是韩半岛的韩民族,从现实的角度看,朝鲜族是中国的一个少数民族。故在朝鲜族的民族认同与国家认同的研究中,存在着不同的研究视角。一些学者主要立足于朝鲜族社会形成的历史,一些学者则强调其中国国籍。还有一些学者则折中历史事实与现实存在,提出了朝鲜族认同的双重性。笔者认为,在谈论朝鲜族认同问题之前,有必要对“民族”、“认同”、“国家”、“祖国”等一些相关概念和范畴达成共识,界定朝鲜族作为一个民族共同体是一个政治共同体,还是一个血缘共同体。如果这些前提性作业得不到理论上的澄清,则难以确定认同的基本要素。再则,过去谈论民族认同更多地侧重于客观的文化符号,或人为地设立几项标准,很少考虑到个体成员的主体性选择。我们现在生活在多元文化并存的开发的世界,各民族文化在相互接触与交往中,已经形成了你中有我的交融格局。而且,过去表征一个民族的一些文化符号,也随着现代文明的进步逐渐被遗忘或消失。因此,用传统的民族文化符号作为参照系统,去衡量其个体成员的民族认同,值得商榷。在这里,笔者主张要尊重朝鲜族这一民族共同体的形成历史,尊重朝鲜族社会成员具有的多重认同的可能,包括朝鲜族的国家认同。但就民族认同而言,则可以引入离散理论与方法,唤醒其所有成员共有的历史记忆,并由此而界定其民族认同。
  • 14.

    해방전쟁시기 동북지구 조선족에 대한 국공양당의 민족정책비교

    Gao Chenglong | 2012, (36) | pp.471~496 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract
    1945年8月15日, 日本投降之后,国共两党为了争夺抗日战争的胜利果实,在东北地区开展了一系列争斗。在这以历史时期,居住在东北地区的朝鲜族面临是否应该回到朝鲜,还是应该留在中国,留在中国之后跟随中国共产党,还是国民党的种种诸多抉择。面临这一抉择,笔者认为我国东北地区的大部分朝鲜族坚定地跟随中国共产党,与国民党进行斗争的主要原因在于这一时期国共两党对朝鲜族实施的,决然相反的民族政策有很大的关联。中国共产党在政治上,承认朝鲜族是中国少数民族之一,给予参政议政的权利。而且推行了“土地改革”,使东北地区广大朝鲜族农民获得了土地,保正了朝鲜族人民赖以生存的空间,此外,发动广大朝鲜族人民,组织武装,对抗国民党支持下的政治土匪,从而保障了朝鲜族人民的生命与财产安全。然而国民党对朝鲜族采取了截然不同的政策,国民党把朝鲜族看作是中国居住的朝鲜侨民,在接受日伪财产之际,大肆掠夺朝鲜族人民的财产,使得很多朝鲜族人民流离失所,不仅如此,国民党挑拨中朝两民族之间的民族矛盾,肆意迫害广大朝鲜族人民。由于国共两党,截然不同的民族政策,东北地区的朝鲜族人民跟随中国共产党,在解放战争时期,做出了让其他民族叹服的贡献.
  • 15.

    국경을 초월하여 공생하는 조선족가족 : 한국이주노동으로 인한 분산거주경험을 중심으로

    리화 | 2012, (36) | pp.497~534 | number of Cited : 11
    Abstract
    20世纪90年代以来,在中国朝鲜族社会,以个人为单位的赴韩务工急速增长,导致了大量跨国家庭的形成。本文以出境劳务,特别是赴韩务工所引发的分散居住为切入点,关注朝鲜族家庭所经历的结构性变化及其选择与策略,试图理解他们跨越国境而共同经营家庭的生活模式。文中使用的资料均为笔者自2004年以来的实地调查所得,调查对象即是吉林省延边朝鲜族自治州延吉市朝阳川镇T村的居民及其家庭。通过观察朝鲜族“户”的构成,笔者发现曾在同一“户”生活的“家人”不断以个人为单位进行短期或长期的移居的行为在很大程度上动摇了“家庭”与“户”人员构成的一致性,以至于朝鲜族“户”的结构呈现出多种多样的形态。但这绝不意味着家庭的解体。他们跨越了国境与“户”,履行着各种家庭功能。另一方面,为了执行这样的功能,成员之间展开的跨国合作与交流,更是强化了家庭的纽带。亦即相对于主张把共同居住作为衡量家庭最重要的指标,对朝鲜族家庭的分析更应注重家庭的凝聚力和文化内涵。当然,我们也不能忽视在跨国家庭的形成与维系的过程中,所显现出的包括离婚、留守儿童等问题的负面影响,但这种负面影响与家庭的解体并不能相提并论。
  • 16.

    The Korean Community in the New York-New Jersey Area during the Post-War Period

    James Cho | 2012, (36) | pp.535~572 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract
    The literature on Korean Americans shows that many historians in Korea have studied Korean immigrants in the New York area during the colonial period. It also shows that there are enough sociological studies of the Korean community in New York in the post-1965 period. But there is a paucity of the literature that covers the intermediary period between 1948 and 1965. Since the Korean-American Association of Greater New York was established in 1960, it has made minor efforts to collect data on the Korean community. The author immigrated to New York in the early 1970s and became keenly aware of the lack of data on Korean immigration history in the New York area. In order to collect and preserve data on Korean Americans, I looked for books from Korea focusing on Korean immigration history in the United States, checked U.S. libraries for data on Korean Americans, and conducted many tape-recorded personal interviews with Korean community leaders at old ages for oral history. This study examines the Korean community in the New York-New Jersey area during the period of 1948 and 1959 based on data the author has collected thus far. Specifically, it covers Koreans’ immigration patterns and growth of the Korean population, settlement patterns, business patterns and ethnic organizations during the intermediary period.
  • 17.

    The Korean Community in the New York-New Jersey Area in the 1980s

    민병갑 | 2012, (36) | pp.573~640 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract
    이 논문은 뉴욕․뉴저지 지역의 1980년대 역사를 검토하는 것이 주 목적이다. 1980년대 뉴욕․뉴저지 지역 한인사회의 특성을 분석하기 위해서 본 논문은 다음의 네 가지를 주로 검토하고자 한다. 첫째, 한국인의 미국 이민 증가에 의한 이 지역의 교포 인구 증가, 둘째는 교포 이민자의 이 지역에서 정착 양상과 한인타운 건설, 셋째는 이 지역 교포의 1980년대의 상업활동, 그리고 마지막으로 교포의 상업활동상과 관련된 타민족과의 갈등 및 이를 극복하기 위한 과정에서의 민족단결이다. 1980년대는 한국인의 미국 이민 절정시기였는데, 그 결과 뉴욕, 뉴저지 지역의 한인 인구도 1980년에 4천명 미만에서 1990년에 12만 명 가까이로 성장해 10년 동안 32배로 증가했다. 이 기간에 퀸즈가 한인 거주지의 중심이 되었으며, 플러싱 지역 한인타운이 한인 상가와 함께 개발되었다. 또한 맨하탄 브로드웨이의 한인 도매상가도 이 10년 기간에 절정을 이루었다. 동시에 이미 1980년대 말부터 교포의 교외로의 거주지 이동이 시작되어 뉴저지 버겐 카운티의 여러 지역에 교포인구가 증가하기 시작했으며, 롱아일랜드 나소 카운티와 북부 뉴욕주 웨체스터 카운티도 교포인구가 증가하기 시작했다. 현재의 뉴욕, 뉴저지 지역의 교포의 주요 사업체인 잡화 도매상 및 소매상, 봉제업, 청과업, 식품업, 세탁업 및 네일업 등이 1980년대에 완전히 개발되었다. 센서스 자료는1980년과 1990년의 뉴욕 교포의 자영업율이 2000년 보다 높음을 나타내고 있다. 또한 1980년대 말까지 뉴욕, 뉴저지 지역에서 중요한 사업협회가 설립되어 한인사회에 큰 영향력을 행사하기 시작했다. 1980년대 한국에서는 기혼여성이 거의 경제활동을 하지 않던 시기였는데, 70% 이상의 교포 기혼 여성이 주로 가족단위의 사업체나 다른 한인 가게에 고용되어 가정 경제에 큰 공헌을 했다. 1980년대 이 지역의 교포 상인은 주로 소매업에 종사하고 특히 대자본이나 백인이 투자를 꺼리는 흑인이나 라틴계 소수민족 거주지역에서 소매업에 종사했다. 그 결과 여러 흑인지역의 한인 청과상 및 식품점은 흑인에 의한 장기 불매운동을 당하기도 했다. 교포가 경영하는 청과, 식품 및 생선 소매상들은 미국 백인 도매상에 의존했기 때문에 그들에게 많은 인종차별을 받았다. 특히, 헌츠포인트 도매상에 가서 청과물을 사오는 교포 청과업자들은 차별 뿐만 아니라 도매상 고용인들로부터 폭력의 피해를 자주 입었다. 교포 청과 소매인들은 이에 대항하기 위해 청과협회를 통해 백인 도매상 불매운동을 여러 번 조직했다. 교포상인이 도매상의 고객의 50-60%를 차지했기 때문에 불매운동 대상 도매상은 대략 불매운동 1주일 안에 손을 들고 사과와 함께 청과협회에서 요구하는 사항을 대부분 수락했다. 흑인불매운동 및 백인 도매상과 대항하고 교섭하는 과정에서 교포 상인 및 한인사회가 전체적으로 단결하는 계기가 되었으며 교포 지도자들은 정치적 협상 기술을 발전시킬 수 있었다.