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2016, Vol., No.44

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    Wada Ichiro(和田一郞)’s Theory of Joseon’s Land System and the Disputes of State Land: Focusing on Survey Report of Joseon’s Land and Land Tax System

    WonKyu Choe | 2016, (44) | pp.5~53 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract
    Wada Ichiro came to Korea, and led land survey project, serving as the head of the judging panel of debated land and assistant administrator of high land survey committee, ets. He, based on the project experience and the examination of documents, wrote Survey Report of Joseon’s Land and Land Tax System(1920), by which he got the degree of Doctor of Laws from Tokyo University in 1923. He summed up Korea’s land system as communism system→ public land system→the confused time of public land and private land: That is, the private land of ownership was officially recognized as people’s land, though land system was state-ownership. Land was classified as public land, private land, and ownerless large area. He classified land rights as the state ownership, the rights of tax collection by land owners, and the rights of cultivation by tenants. People’s land was officially recognized, as the rights of tax collection by land owners secured the state ownership. The rights of cultivation were regarded as subject to ownership, and both of them recognized as lease relation. He thought the disputes over state land had occurred mainly in the process of cultivating ownerless large area. Cleared lands were composed of rights for planning and clearing. The right for clearing was assured trading and inheritance as tenant land rights with the characteristic of real right. The strength of tenant land rights were different in lands. The tax collection of state and land transaction were achieved with acknowledgment of the relation of rights like this. Then, disputes occurred mainly around the level of tax amount. However, things changed as the Japanese Empire investigated lands, based on the exclusive ownership of Japanes civil laws. Especially, since it was not evident whether Jeolsusayeoji(折受賜與地) within Yeokdunto was muto(無土) or yuto(有土), it wasn’t easy to distinguish between state-owned lands and people’s lands. He had to distinguish between state-owned lands and people’s lands in terms of exclusive ownership through setting one standard among the various tax amounts. Ownership disputes were frequent here. He found the casue of the dispute in the Korean disordered system. However, the disputes stemmed from the fact that the Japanese imperialists and Wada conducted land survey in the same way as above to reconstitute the Korean land system with exclusive ownership. Moreover, the Japanese government did not recognize the custom rights stemming from the right of clearing, but established exclusive ownership around ownership based on rights for planning. The state-owned areas included not only Yeokdunto but also land of public character such as even land of military service.
  • 2.

    The Cultural enlightenment movement of DaeguGwangmunsa and status of Kim Gwang-je

    Kim, Hyung-Mog kim | 2016, (44) | pp.55~87 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract
    The enlightenment movement in Daegu began in earnest with the establishment of Daegu branch of Independence Club. It was verified by the establishment of GaejinHyuphoi and branch schools of Dalseong School and Heunghwa School. In the situation of growing of social unrest, the enlightenment movements could not be activated unlike their intention. The awareness of crisis of colonization heighten by the Russo-Japanese War and Protectorate Treaty of 1905 were concluded into activation of enlightenment movement. The Korea Self-strenthening Society tried to enlightenment of intellect of the people and alerting the people to Japanese invasion. After the Protectprate Treaty of 1905, Kim Gwang-je moved his base of activity to Daegu and enter the activities of education and publication establishing DaeguGwangmunsa with Lee Il-woo and Seo Sang-don. The publication of 『The National Decay of Vietnam』 and 『Booklet for Public Law of Nations』 was a part of establishment of civilized society through publication culture. The cooperation and exchange with local management offices and community leaders such as Shin Tae-hyu(申泰休) led to expansion of activities. The publication plan of 『Youngnam Il-bo』 and establishment of Exhibition Room for Publications and private school played a rule to awaken national consciousness. The DaeguGwangmunsa reformed the representative organization to lead the modern education with mutual competition and cooperation with DaeguMinuiso and DaeguGwanghakhoi. The president Kim Gwang-je pushed forward this with obligation consciousness of age. The enlightenment organization established in this area was influenced by these situations. Moreover, the National Debt Redemption Movement was led by Daedonggwangmunhoi was a metanephros of DaeguGwangmunsa. His valuable experience was a nutritive element to make him a excellent speaker. Kim Gwang-je influenced to establishment of branch in Honam area as a inspector of Independence Club. Its members led to contribute to cultural and enlightenment movement joining in Daegu branch of Daehanhyuphoi. The activities of DaeguGwangmunsa were energy source and foundation to stimulate a various of cultural and enlightenment movements.
  • 3.

    Wang An-shi’s New Policy and its Opponents

    Lee, Geun-myung | 2016, (44) | pp.89~115 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract
    Wang An-Shi's New Policy was confronted with criticism from many corners. Almost all the intellectuals since Nan-Sung were against Wang and his New Policy. Such an opinion persisted down to the end of the pre-modern period. One can say that the criticism against Wang had its root cause on the widespread antipathy against his policy and philosophy. Wang's policies and philosophy definitely distance themselves from those of the mainstream moralcracy of the Confucianism. Wang emphasized the role of the state power, and emphasized the institutionalization and legislation. Wang's view as such was indeed differed considerably from that of traditional Confucianists. One can find in his new policy many aspects similar to the view of Guan Zi. Some aspects of Legalism are also observed. These disparities in political philosophy were the root causes of the antipathy of Chinese intellectuals against Wang in the traditional period.
  • 4.

    A Study on Price Fluctuation during Longxing war

    JEONG ILGYO | 2016, (44) | pp.117~149 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract
    The North Song dynasty occupied most of the Central Plain(Zhongyuan) as the political, economical, and cultural center of the Northen Song dynasty between the fall of the Northern Song dynasty and the founding of Southern Song dynasty. As a result, the Southern Song dynasty suffered a tremendous economic blow and the nation’s tax revenues had diminished. The Southern Song Dynasty needed the enormous armaments for the war with the Jin dynasty. After the treaty of Shaoxing(1141), the Southern Song dynasty had a stable period for the 2 decades until the first year of Longxing(1163). Emperor Xiaozong prepared to go to war with the Jin dynasty. In the process, it was needed a lot of military supplies and the prices began to rise in the Southern Song dynasty. The Southern Song dynasty instituted a volunteer military system and so spent larger sums of money on arms than the any other dynasties of China. The Southern Song dynasty issued the paper money instead of the expensive mintage to solve the financial problem. As the Southern Song dynasty inflated the paper money, the value of money had declined and the prices rose higher. Consequentially the issue of paper money to prepare for war brought about inflation of the prices. Emperor Xiaozong ordered Zhang Jun and several commanders to subjugate the north in the first year of Longxing(1163). The Southern Song dynasty entered into a war with the Jin dynasty without a declaration of war. A peace treaty called the Treaty of Longxing was signed between the two empires in 1164. According to the treaty, the relationship of the two empires changed from between ruler and ruled to between uncle and nephew. The Southern Song dynasty ceded the areas treated with neglect. Also two empires got back their border line and exchanged the prisoners of war. During the Southern Song dynasty, there were a lot of warfare campaign. The present writer took notice the price fluctuation while the expedition to conquer the north by Emperor Xiaozong. It is difficult to reveal the progress of price fluctuation after major war. Accordingly The current study focused on the smaller and briefer war such as the expedition to conquer the north by Emperor Xiaozong. To conclude, the writer show that the interrelation between the price and the warfare campaign of the expedition to conquer the north in the first year of Longxing.
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    Various theoretical concepts of the Late Middle Ages – Reconsidering the “Crisis Theory” -

    Cha Yong Ku | Choi Kyoung Min | 2016, (44) | pp.231~269 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract
    The purpose of this article is to critically review different interpretations of the Late Middle Ages and to reconsider this period on the basis of recent studies. Former scholars had characterized the late medieval period as one of long-term “decline” and “crisis,” because they had adopted the concepts of the Renaissance Humanists, Protestant Reformers, and Enlightenment Thinkers who had hostile opinions regarding the Middle Ages. However, historians from the mid-20th century more often adopted the concept of “crisis” to define the characteristics of the Late Middle Ages. The late-medieval crisis was perceived as “the population decline and agrarian crisis” (W. Abel) or “the great Depression” (G. Bois). After the 1970s, many historians started to consider the Late Middle Ages as a “turing point in growth.” In other words, the Late Middle Ages were no more considered a period of stagnation and depression; instead, they were thought of as one of considerable innovation and development. This viewpoint was not in agreement with the general crisis theory of the Late Middle Ages. The concept of crisis in the Late Middle Ages is required to consider the differences among various classes and regions. Therefore, explaining and understanding the Late Middle Ages from diverse viewpoints will be more suitable than by the strict dichotomy between “decline-crisis” and “development.”
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    Mao Zedong’s Foreign Policy Line Change before the Establishment of the PRC and its Significance

    Lee Wonjune | 2016, (44) | pp.343~383 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract
    In the early days of the Cold War when the bipolar international system had begun to take form, Mao Zedong suggested his own analysis of the new world order, which was to be called the ‘intermediate zone theory’(1946). Although he did acknowledge that the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. had become the two main actors in world politics, he stressed the importance of the ‘intermediate zone’ which was to carry out the anti- imperialist and anti-American struggle throughout the world. The new world order which was based on the conflict of the two different social system(socialism and capitalism) was to be reinterpreted by Mao as the world order in which the contradiction between American imperialist policy and the resistance of the ‘intermediate zone’ had become the ‘principal contradiction’. As seen from the Oppose American Support of Japan Movement(1948), his interpretation of the new cold war system was based on the historical legacy of China’s anti-imperialist struggle since the early 20th century. This tendency seemed to have faced a big challenge when Mao declared his new foreign policy of ‘leaning to one side’ in June 1949. However, in contrast to the rhetoric of the CCP’s official announcement and the expressions used in the conversations between Moscow and Beijing, Mao and the CCP leaders had actually tried to maintain and enhance economic exchanges with the U.S. and capitalist countries. Therefore it is difficult to say that Mao had accepted the typical concept of the cold war system which was based on the conflict between ‘socialism’ and ‘capitalism’ in 1949. It is worth reminding that he used the term ‘imperialism’ rather than ‘capitalism’ when he declared the ‘lean to one’ policy. To Mao, ‘imperialism’ was not the advanced stage of ‘capitalism’, and the two had no direct relations. That is why Mao and the CCP had always maintained that any countries that abandon ‘imperialist policies’ toward China, including capitalist states, can become partners of China’s new socialist state. Mao’s ‘intermediate zone theory’ or the ‘lean to one side’ policy, both were the outcome of his attempt to find the right place of China’s long term national revolution in the new world order―cold war system. This inclination was to bring about serious change in the East Asian cold war since the mid-1950s.
  • 11.

    The meaning of 'leadership core' in the Chinese Communist Party and the political status of Xi Jinping(習近平)

    Ahn Chi-Young | 2016, (44) | pp.385~423 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    The ‘leadership core’ status in the Chinese leadership was raised by Deng Xiaoping in 1989. China has transformed its leadership system into a collective leadership system as a result of its reflection on the Cultural Revolution after the reform, but it has raised the 'leadership core' as the center of authority to supplement the limits of the decentralized collective leadership system in the process of succession to a new generation. Therefore, the ‘leadership core’ is stronger than the "primus inter pares" of the collective leadership system, but is restricted by the collective leadership system itself. The collective leadership system and the "leadership core" is an institutional mechanism designed for the dual purpose of prevention of power monopoly by individuals and efficient exercise of power. In this regard, the main direction of China's political system reform after the reform was to form a stable succession system in which periodic personnel changes are made. To this end, the CCP created formal and informal institutions and practices such as the term limit and the age rule, and formed the promotion system and succession system of cadre including top leadership. The succession after Jiang was made by such a system, and the granting of ‘leadership core’ status to Xi Jinping was the result of such institutional mechanism. For that reason, the political status of Xi Jinping is limited by such institutional mechanisms.