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2018, Vol., No.48

  • 1.

    Social Movement and Local Elites in Cheonan Area under the Japanese Colonialism

    PARK SANGJUN | Chang, Kyusik | 2018, (48) | pp.5~35 | number of Cited : 3
    This paper is a case study of local history that aims to examine social movements of local elites in Cheonan area. During the Japanese colonial rule, Cheonan was transformed into a modern commercial city by the development of railroad transportation. However, agricultural areas around Mokcheon and Jiksan have also existed extensively, and the Cheonan area has become a structure where urban and rural areas coexist. In response to these regional characteristics, the social movements of Cheonan were classified according to the living area. Cheonan town, which was developed as a major city of railroad transportation and a commercial city, developed a social movement focused on cultural movements centering on bourgeoisie. In contrast, in the Mokcheon and Jisan areas, social movements with anti-feudal character, such as the peasant movement and Hyeongpyeong(identity liberation) movement, were dominant.
  • 2.

    A New Research of Juejiao Tongwenji

    Xie Hui | 2018, (48) | pp.37~56 | number of Cited : 0
    The compiler of Juejiao Tongwenji was considered to be Yang Tingyun in a long time.But it is more likely that the true compiler was another Chinese catholic, who may be the friend of Yang Tingyun. Before the edition of two-volumes which kept in Bibliothèque nationale de France, there was still a first edition comprised of 60 articles, published in around Wanli-43(1615). The edition of two-volumes was the result of enlargement of first edition, and may appeared at Tianqi years or later. In Kangxi years of Qing dynasty, there was another famous work named Tianxue Jijie, the compiler was no doubt to saw the edition of two-volumes, and used it to completed his own work. But it is still a five-volumes edition after two-volumes, the compiler of Tianxue Jijie didn’t seem to know that.
  • 3.

    Taiwanese Intellectuals’ Recognition of Joseon(朝鮮) during Japanese Colonial Rule: Focusing on Members of the Taiwanese Cultural Association

    Sungchan, Lee | Son Jun Sik | 2018, (48) | pp.57~99 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this study is to understand the recognition of Joseon expressed by Taiwanese intellectuals through magazines, newspaper articles, and diary analysis, focusing on members of the Taiwanese Cultural Association during the Japanese colonial period. The Taiwanese Cultural Association was founded in 1921 as a representative organization of Taiwanese intellectuals at that time. While promoting the movement to increase Taiwanese people’s rights in various spaces, it actively expressed its opinions on Táiwān Mínbào(『臺灣民報』). The Taiwanese consciousness distinguishes itself from the others by naming the people ‘Taiwanese’ and uses ‘Taiwan’ as the space of community. It was the result of the dissatisfaction with exploitation and national discrimination in the Japanese colonial period. As a result of modernization and assimilation policies, social mobility was enhanced and a common language emerged; all of this gradually began to form around Taiwanese students in Japan. The Taiwanese Cultural Association, founded by people with Taiwanese consciousness, aimed at reforming colonial rule such as establishing Taiwan’s parliament and local self-government assuming that political colonial rule was admitted. Therefore, they were sensitive to the situation and the change of government policies in Joseon, which was the same colony of Japan. To the intellectuals of Taiwan, Joseon was recognized as a companion who was in a similar situation under Japanese colonialism, working with Taiwan to have the right to be treated equally. The press of Joseon had also the same sense of identity. However, Taiwanese people’s interests were mainly concentrated on the issue of political rights and local autonomy, and Joseon was often regarded as a comparison for raising practicality. On the other hand, Taiwanese intellectuals referred to Joseon as a reference case to highlight the status of Taiwan in the Japanese empire and to make clear the reality that Taiwan is discriminated compared to Joseon. In other words, it emphasized the financial integrity of Taiwan and raised the issue of Taiwan’s press freedom and inequality, which was lower than that of Joseon. In summary, Taiwan demanded appropriate rights. However, when the news that the local autonomy reform plan would be implemented first came to Joseon in late 1929, the Taiwanese Cultural Association, which had been demanding autonomous reform for a lifetime, was shocked. So, they began to reveal their superiority to Joseon with a lot of conjecture and countermeasures. It seems that the idea that Taiwan was discriminated against compared to Joseon made Taiwanese intellectuals expressing the Chinese consciousness and aware them of Joseon as a competitor. This duplicity by the Taiwanese makes us think about the lessons of the irony of history in the sense that it has been repeated in the process of perception change in Korea since the Cold War.
  • 4.

    Dijon and Talant : the enlargement of burgundy seigneurie

    Jeong-Min Lee | 2018, (48) | pp.101~131 | number of Cited : 2
    It is said that the rapid development of seigneurie, based on the vigorous commerce, current money and energetic cities in Burgundy and Franch comté, was seen in the 12th and the 13th centuries. Being located on the point where the path from Burgundy and Franch comté to Paris and that to Metz intersected, Dijon was the capital of Burgundy as well as the developed city in the middle ages. Especially, Hugues III, the duc of Bourgogne and Eude III, his elder son, were obliged to meet the defiance by their vassals, like the wars of Vergy, and the political competition with Philip II, the king of France having a problem of reestablishment of feudal hierarchy. Also, the ducs of burgundy, Hugues III and Eude III, tried to fortify their feudal and political hierarchy through the wars of Vergy, the crusades and Battle of Bouvines. In addition, they made their economical and social foundation by the charters of commune of Dijon, the marriage with Alix of Vergy, the daughter of Hugh, Lord of Vergy and so on. Certainly, it was indispensable tactics for these burgundy ducs to enlarge their seigneuries in their times. Above all, to make their seigneuries strong, it came from the main power that they have exploited the customary rights of trades, markets, tolls etc. We observe the ducs of burgundy, Hugues III and Eude III, who made Dijon and Talant the foothold for the enlargement of their seigneuries under the political and social conflicts surrounding Burgundy in the 12th and 13th centuries. Subsequently, we see the burgundy customary right of sales and distribution of wines, so called, banvin, and that of passage through the paths, the rivers, the bridges etc, so called, péage, in the 12th and the 13th centuries.
  • 5.

    Modern China’s Foreign Debt in Railway Construction and Loss of Railway Rights

    Kim, Ji-hwan | 2018, (48) | pp.133~169 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    In China after the Opium War, it became a supreme task to accept the science and reason of the West and achieve its modernization fast. Industrialization meant mass production with machinery. There was a huge need to construct railways for the transportation of raw materials such as iron ore and coal and completed products. Railways were an indispensable means of achieving modernization in China. In the Treaty of Shimonoseki after the Sino-Japanese War, however, China granted the right of constructing railways to Japan and some Western countries. In addition, China actively introduced foreign debt due to the lack of its own capital when constructing railways for itself. Since the rights of building railways and providing foreign debt recognized the exclusive rights to the areas where railways would pass, several nations had a fierce competition over these rights in China. Railway loans generated positive effects of overall development in Chinese railways. They, on the other hand, caused a huge disturbance to the normal development of areas along the concerned railways by granting all kinds of rights and interests accompanied by railways to the countries that provided a railway loan. Furthermore, they were gross impediments to the normal development of Chinese railways and society, eventually reinforcing the semi-colonialism of China.
  • 6.

    Studies on the pro-Japanese movement of Fan Han-sheng of consul-general of Seoul and Overseas Chinese Society in Korea during the Second Sino-Japanese War

    YI JUNG HEE | 2018, (48) | pp.171~222 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This paper aims to analyse pro-Japanese movement’s cause of Fan Han-sheng of consul-general of Seoul during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Fan Han-sheng visited the Japanese Government-General to expressed his will to participate in the Provisional Government of the Republic of China on December 17. After he proclaimed, he visited Beijing to obtain their approval to become a new government’s consul-general at Seoul from Wang Ke-min and Japanese Northern China Army. In spite of officers’ resist of Chinese Consulate General at Seoul, he forced to switch party flag and emblem of the Kuomintang to Five colored-Flags of new government with the assistance of Japanese military police headquarters in Korea. On December 29, after having successfully raised the Five-colored Flag, he ordered each consulate to raise the flag. Therefore, by January 4, 1938, all consulates raised the Five-colored Flag, in effect closing down all offices of Chiang Kai-shek’s National Government. When the raising of the Five-colored Flag was complete, he forced all the Chinese Chamber of Commerce around the nation to voice support for the provisional government, and beginning with Chinese Chamber of commerce in Seoul and Incheon, all of them are recorded as having announced their support be the end of January 1938. On February 3, 1938, He called a meeting of representatives of overseas Chinese organizations, summoning 22 heads of Chinese Chamber of Commerce from around the country, and organized the Federation of Chinese Chamber of Commerce Association in colonial Korea, the help realize the provisional government’s credo of ‘peace and anti-communism’. On the same day, he also held newly assigned consuls’ meeting. There are three factors in his turning to provisional government from Chiang Kai-shek’s nationalist government. Firstly, he was opposed to Chiang Kai-shek’s anti-Japanese policy and procommunism. Secondly, he was willing to help their consuls and overseas Chinese in Korea. Thirdly, he made a judgement that he and his families’s life were not able to be guaranteed by Chiang Kai-shek’s nationalist government.
  • 7.

    Five-Years Achievements and Problems of ‘The Belt and Road Initiative’ Cultural Policy in China

    Kwon Ki Young | 2018, (48) | pp.223~260 | number of Cited : 1
    Over the past five years, China’s ‘The Belt and Road Initiative’ strategy has brought about diverse interpretations and controversy since the 2013 Xi Jinping brought up the ‘Silk Road Economic Belt’ and ‘21st-Century Maritime Silk Road’ construction. There is positive public opinion and negative public opinion. Of course, the Chinese government also clearly recognizes that overcoming this negative public opinion is a key task in determining the success or failure of ‘The Belt and Road Initiative’. The Chinese government is extremely vigilant in recognizing ‘The Belt and Road Initiative’ along with Chinese expansionism or supremacy. For this reason, the Chinese government emphasizes the role of ‘People-to-people bond(民心相通)’ more than anything else. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the cultural policies and the progress of the Chinese government in relation to ‘The Belt and Road Initiative’ in the past five years, and to analyze its achievements and problems. The Chinese government’s foreign cultural policy aimed at countries along the Belt and Road is still focused on the direction of Chinese culture ‘Go global strategy(走出去)’. I think that if China continues this policy, it will be more difficult for the ‘People-to-people bond’. China’s foreign cultural policy in the 21st century was centered on two axes: cultural security and soft power. It is mainly in advanced countries, with strong regulatory policies on foreign cultural products and overseas expansion of Chinese culture. However, countries along the Belt and Road are mostly developing countries. Therefore, ‘one on one’ countries are also likely to look at China with the same perspective that China has for the advanced Western capitalist countries. From this point of view, China’s “The Belt and Road Initiative” cultural policy should be transformed dramatically in the future. If you want to borrow Chinese expression, the Chinese government should abandon its policy of ‘Go global strategy(走出去)’ Chinese culture abroad from a strategic point of view, and to focus on ‘Bring in (引進來)’ foreign culture into China. The Chinese government is not trying to force China to spread its values and to empathize with countries along the Belt and Road. Instead, it is trying to create a new era spirit in the process of actively experiencing and consuming the culture of countries along the Belt and Road.