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2019, Vol., No.50

  • 1.

    The Achievement and Interpretation of Balhae Relics in Korea

    Kim, Eunkuk | 2019, (50) | pp.5~93 | number of Cited : 1
    In this article, I looked at how Balhae relics were excavated and analyzed in Korea. Specifically, we covered Balhae-related dissertations in Korea, and then dealt with the subject through the paper. The Balhae sites exist in Russia, China and North Korea. Korean scholars are in a very difficult environment to directly investigate Balhae ruins in Russia, China and North Korea. Despite such limitations, it is encouraging that the number of scholars who have obtained master's and doctorate degrees under the theme of Balhae Temple has been steadily increasing until recently. In addition, it is in the process of overcoming the limitations of the literature while dealing with the excavation achievements of China, Russia and North Korea. This indicates that we have entered the stage where we can refer to the results of fieldwork and excavation of Balhae sites. In addition, the increasing number of Ph.D. researchers in China and Russia are studying abroad shows that the Balhae history research community is deepening in that it is expanding the scope of the Balhae history research environment. Although the number of Balhae history researchers in Korea is smaller than that of Goguryeo. However, Korea is competitively expanding its Balhae history research level as it continues to conduct in-depth analysis and interpretation. It is hoped that researchers from Balhae history in Korea will be able to conduct joint excavation research with scholars from China and North Korea. Until now, researchers at Balhae history in Korea have only been engaged in exchanges with Russian researchers, limited to partial sites in the Russian coastal province. Over one thousand years ago to Balhae was in East Asia the hub of cultural exchange. Haedong Seongguk(海東盛國) which was praised as one of the Balhae, and now the current geographical area classification of the country, and Balhae be the remains of access is restricted. I hope this study will lead to a comprehensive investigation into Balhae ruins.
  • 2.

    The Changes of Leading Family name and Composition of Imsil Hyangan(鄕案) in the 17th and 18th Century

    LeeJongSeok | 2019, (50) | pp.95~129 | number of Cited : 1
    Sajok in the latter part of Joseon tried to rebuild the Hyangan(鄕案) to repair the order of control of the Hyangchon that had collapsed during the war. Imsil Hyangan in the 17th and 18th century, remained by 18 books and 33 case. This study attempts to find out the order of the control of Imsil, which has not been studied previously, through the Hyangan. Imsil Hyangan is divided into『Hyangan(鄕案)』and『Tongmoonan(通 文案)』 in the title. Tongmoonan show the characteristics of listing members separate from districts(Myeon). It can be seen as an example of the mid-17th century when the Myeonli-je was absorbed into the Hyangan. At the same time, Tongmoonan and Myeonli-je, which developed in the mid-17th century, also began to appear during this period. The number of people listed in the 17th century’s Imsil Hyangan was 757. The most recorded family names are in Hyangan in the order of Song(礪山宋氏)·Park(咸陽朴氏)·Han(淸州韓氏), who accounted for about 35% of total number of member in the 17th century. According to a survey of Cheonggeuman(靑衿案), considered as important as Hyangan in the Honam region, a total of family names, including the above three family names, Lee(全州李氏) and Kwak(玄風郭氏), accounted for about 60 percent of the members of Cheonggeuman. Considering that many Lee and Kwak were also listed in the Hyangan, there were about five family names that led the 17th century’s Imsil society. In the 18th century’s Hyangan, Lee, Han and Kwak among the five influential family names remained in the family names until the early 18th century. However, since Hyangan in 1736, the largest number of members appeared throughout the 17th and 18th centuries, and at the same time, a number of new family names have never been seen before. The Hyangan, written in 1759, shows that the number of people has plunged by more than half than before, and that the Hyangan was written with the support of government in the preface. This shows that the 18th century Hyangans are no longer the same as the 17th century Hyangans. Staring 18th century, Hyangans became weaker and harder to maintain its writing as Imsil. Through many places, writing of Hyangnas ended in the late 17th and 18th century and the government official had more power on that. This study showed that Hyangchon by Sajok in Imsil was collapsed in the 18th century as government’s system (Myeonli-je) applied by Tongmoonan rapidly through Imsil in the 17th century.
  • 3.

    The Logic of Resolving Manchu-Han Conflicts by Yongzheng Emperor in the Great Righteousness Resolving Confusion(Dayi juemi lu)

    Dong-uk Lee | 2019, (50) | pp.131~180 | number of Cited : 1
    This study set out to examine conflicts over some issues in the past history between ethnic groups by analyzing Great Righteousness Resolving Confusion(大義覺迷錄) published by Yongzheng Emperor of Qing Dynasty as a case of the conqueror as the assailant making an attempt at one-sided conflict resolution with the people of the ruled as a majority of the victims. Great Righteousness Resolving Confusion was published and promulgated to resolve the resistance of the Hans based on their awareness of the past history involving the fall of Ming and the conquest of central China by the Manchus. This book reflected Yongzheng Emperor's intention to refute the anti-Manchu logic based on the Confucian Hua-Yi viewpoint and revenge theory with the same Confucian language and justify Qing's rule over China. It worked to emphasize the Confucian ethics according to the Mandate of Heaven and the Confucian thought of fame, show off Qing's great achievement of unifying Hua and Yi into one, and incapacitate the Hans' spirit of resistance against Qing based on the combination of their antagonism against different ethnic groups from them and their respect for Ming through the selective reconstruction of historical memories during the transition from Ming to Qing. Yongzheng Emperor distributed this government-led ideology around the dynasty and forced the people to learn it, thus resolving the Manchu-Han conflicts over history and solidifying the Manchus' rule over the Hans. Even though the distribution and study of the book was prohibited by Qianlong Emperor succeeding Yongzheng Emperor, the book and its arguments had various impacts on the ethnic issues of China for many years to come. The exclusive Hua-Yi viewpoint centered around the Han nationality, which Yongzheng Emperor tried to refute, did not die out but has been deeply rooted in the base of the Hans' nationalistic sentiment even today. Great Righteousness Resolving Confusion was rather used in the revolutionary movement at the end of Qing Dynasty as the proof of the Manchu imperial family's mean and immoral nature. On the other hand, the logic of Hua-Yi oneness advocated by Yongzheng Emperor was accepted by the Han intellectuals supporting the grand unification of Qing and inherited in the idea of five-nationality unity for a republic and the theory of a unified multi-ethnic country. It has been altered into the logic of integration into the "Chinese Nation" centered around the Han nationality instead of the Manchus, maintaining its life force even in the 21st century. Great Righteousness Resolving Confusion is still summoned as a resource of traditional ideas for the "integration of ethnic groups."
  • 4.

    Mary of the Zoodochos Pege: The Authorial Treatment of the Theotokos and Its Historical Value

    Julian Yang | 2019, (50) | pp.181~210 | number of Cited : 1
    This article examines the tenth century compilation of Miracula of the Zoodochos Pege (i.e. Life-Giving Spring) located near Constantinople. This text narrates the legendary miracles that were believed to be the work of the Theotokos of the holy shrine of the Pege. Unlike other holy individuals, the Theotokos, as the Mother of God, always occupied a special place in Byzantine religious and hagiographical tradition. However, the author of the Miracula of the Pege fashioned her as being capable of working miracles of her own volition, not simply as a channel of God’s grace. Such treatment of her is evidently distant from other Byzantine hagiographers who, to their greatest extent, merely portrayed her as being the greatest guardian of Orthodoxy and the highest interceder of Christians as being the Mother of God. However, the Theotokos of the Pege is, throughout the narrative, fashioned not as a divine instrument but rather as an independent worker of miracles. The greatest historical value of this Miracula, which was written at the zenith of Byzantium’s cultural and political supremacy, lies in its uniquely bold and potentially dangerous authorial treatment of the Mother of God and successfully aiding the cult to be continued without incurring any condemnation.
  • 5.

    A Study on Climate Change Adaptation in Early Modern England with a Focus on the Elizabethan Act for the Relief of the Poor in 1598

    Cha Yong Ku | Koh Bansuk | 2019, (50) | pp.211~250 | number of Cited : 1
    In this article, we will look at evidence about how climate change creates conflict between different social strata and how cooperation and solidarity between different groups of people can help them to reconcile and overcome crisis The late 16th century was perceived as a time of crisis due to cold weather, poor harvests, famines, and revolts. In particular, the abnormal weather at that time impacted England with severe cold and unusual temperatures. This change in climate caused grain prices to rise, leading several farmers toward impoverishment. Death rates also increased due to famine and the spread of epidemic disease. With these difficulties, people moved into cities, and the number of poor people increased with the rise of public health problems. Scholars have long emphasized the political crisis like regime changes and the social confusion that resulted from the abnormal climate of the Little Ice Age. However, recent studies have paid specific attention to human efforts to deal with climate change and their resiliency. Famine from the extreme cold of the 1590s bolstered a communal responsibility to join forces in the fight against famine and disease, and local cooperation was promoted and initiated. Public prayers were held for community members who were afflicted by disease, pastors preached the values of restraint and abstinence, charity was repeatedly emphasized, and parishes collected funds and offered refuge for the poor. While climate change created class conflicts between the rich and the poor, it also unexpectedly led to social solidarity, when in 1598, the Elizabethan Act for the Relief of the Poor was legislated. In conclusion, institutional responses and philanthropy led to the prevention and reduction of social conflict and strengthened the cause of coexistence.
  • 6.

    Liaoxi as the border of East Asia - Focusing on the relationship between the Chinese dynasty, Nomadic forces, Koguryeo -

    Jung Dong-Min | 2019, (50) | pp.251~281 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of Liaoxi(遼西) as a border through the stauts of the Chinese dynasty, Nomadic Forces, and Koguryeo(高句麗) surrounding Liaoxi region. The traffic between Liaoxi and the mainland China was inconvenient due to the geographical environments. As a large number of nomadic and hunting tribes lived there, it had the characteristics of isolation and alienation from the Chinese dynasty. Since the mid-sixth century, however, the international order of Northeast Asia has changed rapidly, it has become an important place in East Asia. In the middle of the sixth century, Liaoxi was surrounded by powerful forces that formed the international order of Northeast Asia at the time, such as Beichao(北朝), Gaobaoning(高寶寧), Turk and Koguryeo. Turk and Gaobaoning had basically confrontation relationship except that they were allied through a common purpose of anti- Beichao. In the background of the confrontation, there were various tribes in Liaoxi. The countries surrounding Liaoxi collided directly or indirectly with each other or with the tribes in Liaoxi in an attempt to exert more influence over the Liaoxi tribes. On the one hand, the clans in Liaoxi also collided one another according to their interests. In other words, Liaoxi was a space where conflicts and confrontations were interlocked. As mentioned before, countries surrounding Liaoxi tried to exert more influences on various tribes in Liaoxi, but it is considered that they did not actively try to colonize Liaoxi. Then, it can be seen as a space where the force of the countries collided and intersected due to their trials to place Liaoxi under their influence. It was not the space where different realms directly collided. The reason why they did not territorialize Liaoxi is that they chose to have Liaoxi as a contact zones between them instead of border line. The countries kept each other out of direct conflict, showing their influence on the Liaoxi tribes. In this respect, Liaoxi could be seen as a buffer to ensure the security of each other. On the other hand, the countries surrounding them established political master-subordinate relations in the process of embracing and winning the Liaoxi tribes. It seems that the countries asked for military supports and some tribute, while the tribes asked for economic supports in return. It is thought that Liaoxi could be maintained as a buffer zone due to the necessity for each other. which led to the cooperation between the Chinese and the tribe. It can be seen that it was a space. This shows that Liaoxi was not only a space of confrontations and conflicts but also co-existence between the countries and the tribes.
  • 7.

    Goryeo’s Foreign Relations with Northern People and the Transformation of the Northwestern Contact Zone

    Kwon Yong-Cheol | 2019, (50) | pp.283~325 | number of Cited : 2
    Since its founding, Goryeo has gradually expanded its territory to the north. Thus, the perception of the boundary was extended to the Amnok River, when the Khitan-Liao empire began its campaign against the northeastern region, leading to the formation of a confrontation between Goryeo and the Liao over the area around the Amnok River. In the end, the conflict led to Khitan’s the first intrusion to Goryeo, and the two countries ended the war by accepting the outcome of the negotiations at 994. As a result of the negotiations, the Amnok River has become the boundary between the two countries. During the 11th century, tension has always been created between Goryeo and Khitan. As a result, it could be said that the contact zone between Goryeo and Khitan was in a state of “peace in high tension,” as was the case with the relationship between the two countries. In the early 12th century, Goryeo accepted tribute relationship to Jurchen-Jin at a fairly rapid pace, and the Jin empire did not bother to wage war with Goryeo. Finally, when Goryeo sent a sworn document (誓表) to Jin to meet the demands of Jin empire, the Jin approved to own the area around the Amnok River. That is to say, the relatively stable relationship between Goryeo and Jin allowed the handling of the contact zone to take place without such fierce clashes as war. The international situation in East Asia has changed rapidly again in the 13th century with the rise of the Mongols in the north. The Goryeo Dynasty fought for a long time against Mongol, but it was forced to accept the Mongols’ control. In addition, Goryeo’s King Wonjong was helped by Khubilai Khan in restoring the royal authority, so the situation was developed dependent on Mongol-Yuan. Thus, even when the northwestern region was annexed by Mongol-Yuan, Goryeo failed to strongly oppose Khubilai Khan. Rather, Khubilai Khan sought to use the Dongnyeongbu(東寧府) to further strengthen his dominance in the relationship with Goryeo. The Dongnyeongbu, which was made in the early stage of the formation of the Goryeo-Mongol relationship, was also a sign that Mongol did not believe in Goryeo until 1270. As King Chungnyeol, who married Khubilai’s daughter, ascended to the throne in 1274, and Goryeo contributed greatly to the Mongol’s expedition to Japan, so Khubilai’s view on Goryeo changed. King Chungnyeol also had to pay attention to his relations with Mongol all the time because he needed a background of Mongol to keep his royal authority stable. Thus, Khubilai gradually turned to Goryeo, and eventually abolished Dongnyeongbu in 1290 and returned the northwestern area to Goryeo. This also meant that the nature of the Goryeo-Mongol relationship in the early 1270s and the 1290s changed. From this time on, the contact zone between Goryeo and Mongol-Yuan was again formed around the Amnok River. This article has reviewed what happened in the northwestern contact zone of Goryeo amid changes in relations with Khitan, Jurchen, Mongol, and how the border itself has changed. The contact zone was a sensitive place that reflected not only the direct relationship between two or more countries bordering on the border, but also the factors such as the international situation at the time and the change in the internal politics of each country, so the pattern of border changes was a phenomenon that allowed us to gauge the trends of international relations and affairs at that time.
  • 8.

    A Study on the Changes in the Contact Zones of Joseon Dynasty: Focusing on the Yalu River and Tumen River Basin

    Han, SeongJoo | 2019, (50) | pp.327~360 | number of Cited : 1
    The study tried to get overall outline on historical changes in northern border region of Joseon dynasty. Especially, this is about change of border region's space, its features, and modern modification, focusing on the Yalu and Tumen River basin. Ming dynasty continuously had conflicts with Gorye and Joseon, advancing into Liadong(遼東) in the times of Hongwu Emperor(洪武帝) and Yongle Emperor(永樂帝). In particular, Ming in the times of Yongle Emperor intended to subject Jurchen in the Yalu and Tumen River basin, using Wei-suo(衛所) system in the times of Yongle Emperor(永樂帝). It was not incorporation for complete territory and domain but a method to allow public post of Wei-suo to Jurchen tribal chief and guarantee friendly relation with Ming. Joseon also introduced the Chinese style on Jurchen in the Yalu and Tumen River basin. Joseon exercised more active influences on Jurchen in the Tumen River basin. Jurchen in the Yalu and Tumen River basin was controlled by Ming and Joseon while they maximized their profit, positively using friendly relation policy with the two countries and invading Joseon and Ming. As invasion from Jurchen had intensified, Joseon and Ming conquered Jurchen village. This pattern was general phenomenon in the 15th and 16th century. Nurhaci founded Later Jin, uniting Jurchen in the Manchuria. It means that flow of changes begun in border region affected Joseon and Ming on the contrary. Qing made the treaty of Nerchinsk with Russia for the first time as a national border treaty with other country. As an influence of Nerchinsk treaty, border line between Joseon and Qing along the Yalu and Tumen River was fixed, constructing Baekdu Mountain boundary monument(白頭山定界碑). The Yalu and Tumen River were reorganized as modern border region space of Joseon and Qing by construction of Baekdu Mountain boundary monument(白頭山定界碑). But Baekdu Mountain boundary monument was not constructed based on border talks or treaty but based on investiture relation through paying tribute, using superior status of Qing. Policy to prevent entering a certain place(封禁) was same, which was a one-sided measure. This also affected border region of the Yalu and Tumen River basin. Construction of Baekdu Mountain boundary monument and Policy to prevent entering a certain place(封禁) by Qing shows that traditional recognition of Qing about border region in Manchuria had continued. Meanwhile boundary(定界) of Baekdu Mountain boundary monument only borrowed outer appearance that delimits boundary in the modern way. Therefore it shows dual aspects that modern delimitation of boundary and traditional recognition on border region coexisted.
  • 9.

    The Boundary of Famine Relief Policy in Han dynasty : Focused on the Frontier and Inner Commandery

    Kim, Suk Woo | 2019, (50) | pp.361~397 | number of Cited : 0
    In this essay, I tried to describe the process that the natural disasters and the state-running famine relief policy promoted the dual control system of Han empire. In doing so, I hoped to highlight the historical characteristics of Han Empire’s “contact zone”. At first, Han dynasty’s climate change was examined. From the former Han period, the average temperature has begun to drop, but the pattern of climate change took on a complex form. It became one of the causes of frequent natural disasters of Han times. And the cold weather caused great damage to the nomads of the frontier. Secondly, We saw that the natural disasters were one of the main factors that promoted dual operation of a commandery system of Han. The distinction between the inner commanderies and the frontier commanderies emerged from the state running relief policy against the famine disaster. The discriminatory relief policies have contributed to the creation of Chinese and non-Chinese ideas, to the Han chinese, the word ‘China’ meant only inner commanderies. The confucian intellectuals argued that in the event of a natural disaster, ‘the Chinese = the internal commanderies’ should be aided first and the frontier area should then be considered. This ideology was justified by the discriminatory view of Confucianism. The spread of Confucian ideology and the deterioration of the environment in the wake of the disaster seemed to have facilitated the dual operation of the empire. Third, I tried to describe the process that, since the latter half of former Han, the state affairs have been transformed into a more focused on inner chinese relief policy, rather than a frontline commandery. These changes were symbolized by the abolition of Zhu-ya-jun(珠崖郡), the commandery in the Hainan island, long distance island from the capital, and the chang-ping-cang (常平倉), the grain warehouse in frontline. These things were happened in the early days of the emperor Won(元帝) regime. Since then, the state running relief policies had been confined to the inner counties. Approximately 72 disasters occurred during the 101 years - the latter half of former Han and the Xin times, about 30 of which were aided by the imperial government, and only two of them were occurred at frontline commandery. This limitation of the government relief policy to the inner commandery shows the Han empire’s dual control system of frontier and inner commandery.
  • 10.

    A Study on the Contact Zones Changes of the Tang Dynasty: Expansion and Reduction of the Tang’s Bianzhou

    Chunbok Lee | 2019, (50) | pp.399~435 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    This study aims to outline changes over 300 years in the contact zones of the Tang dynasty (618-907). The empire is considered the most open dynasty in terms of interactions and exchanges with neighboring states than any other dynasties in the history of China. However, its openness does not mean that there were no contact zones separating the dynasty from the surrounding states. The frontier prefectures(Bianzhou) as the contact zones of Tang were different from the indirectly administered prefectures (Jimizhou), where the Chinese were indirectly involved with other ethnic peoples, and also different from the regular prefectures(Zhengzhou). The spatial structure of the contact zones was constructed complicatedly with military bases and installations such as the Great Wall, border forts and frontier junctures(Guansai), garrison towns(Jun), garrison stations(Zhen), signal fires , and post houses (Yi). Some Bianzhou, prefecture-level administrative districts among the Zhengzhou established in the frontiers, also included places for civilian settlement as well as the space for military use. The contact zones of Tang were characterized by a combination of these three concepts: points, lines and aspect. The contact zones of Tang, depending on its war and peace with the surrounding states, were not fixed but continuously changed their spaces and borders. Although the Tang’s territorial expansion reached its zenith during the early imperial period, its borderlands were not expanded indefinitely. The northern contact zones between the Tang and the Türks did not move far beyond the great walls built in the Sui dynasty. In the Ordos, the Yellow River was perceived as a borderline, and the frontier only expanded partially to the northern part of the River by building the three cities for receiving surrenders (Sanshouxiangcheng) there in 709. In the northwest, the Tang expanded to the areas of the Hexi Corridor and the four garrison stations of Anxi , but in the west, the Tang’s expansion remained in the status quo as the Tibetan Empire had occupied the Tuyuhun and won a major victory against the Tang in the battle of Dafei River (Dafeichuan). Until the reign of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, there were only a series of minor advances and retreats in the frontier areas where the Tuyuhun and the Qinghai resided. After the An Shi Rebellion from 755-763, the Tang’s contact zones were reduced depending on changes in internal and external situations. In the external respect, the northern contact zones of Tang remained unchanged since the Uyghurs immediately succeeded the Tujue, who ruled from 692-745, in 742-840. On the other hand, in the west and northwest, a great change occurred as the war and settlement between the Tang and the Tibetans were repeated. Through the war and settlement, they reconfirmed some existing borderlands and treated some contact zones such as Yanzhou, Lingzhou (靈州) and the An Shi Rebellion as a means for deals and negotiations during the processes of readjustment, and even the Tibetans used some to expand their forces. After the An Shi Rebellion, the Tibetans had conquered 27 Bianzho including Yaozhou (姚州 754), Minzhou (岷州 758), Weizhou (維州 759), Lanzhou (蘭州 762), Hezhou (河州), Shanzhou (鄯州), Taozhou (洮州), Ganzhou (甘州 766), Suzhou (肅州 766). This means that more than half of the 50 Bianzhou established by Tang fell under the control of the Tibetans. Even the Anxisizhen in the west as well as the prefectures adjacent to the Tang’s capital city, Changan (長安), such as Qinzhou (秦州), Chengzhou (成州), Weizhou (渭州) and Yuanzhou (原州), which had been part of Zhengzhou during the early Tang period, came under the direct rule of the Tibetans.