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Lee Seok-Jo as a scholar gentry in Suwon wrote 『Jipsul(輯說)』 based on his deep insight and knowledge in his life, and passed Eungjae(應製) in his 80s for Confucian scholars in Suwon. Jipsul was written to analyze problems which were caused by rapid changes of Suwon but also to propose a plan for ordinary people' economic fundamentals. This study examines the policy development of country village(鄕村) and Lee Seok-Jo's theory of reformation in Suwon in the Jeongjo era of late 18th-century Chosun. Lee Seok-Jo was the one who was influenced by Song Si-Yeol(宋時烈)' learning. Jipsul consists of four books of Won(元)·Hyeung(亨)·Ri(利)·Jung(貞); it draws a line between Naepyun(內篇) and Woaepyun(外篇) in content. In this way, it is meaningful; Lee Seok-Jo clarified his study was based on 『Banguesurock(磻溪隧錄)』 of Ye Hyeong-Won(柳馨遠), his learned role-model, because Yu was in Lee's opposite fraction. The first point that Lee Seok-Jo recognized in 『Jipsul』 was Yanghyunjae, emphasizing the significance of education in order to build a new village in Suwon. In other words, he insists that they should be educated by combining Bangrijae(坊里制), and should be selected according to Gonggeujae(貢擧制). Lee Seok-Jo noticed that decayed scholars' influence on agriculture, industry, and commerce led to the expansion of the whole social problem. Although Lee Seok-Jo declared that Jungjunjae(井田制) should be practiced, because of the realistic difficulty of the implement, he designed the implement of Hanjunja(限田制). Lee Seok-Jo tried to provide land of 50 Bu(負) to Junin(田人), and distribute land by determining Gyeulbu(結負) according to the status in order to prevent negative effects which were caused whenever Gyeulbu was determined every year. Likewise, Lee Seok-Jo's land reform theory was the method to adjust the rate of landholding via gradual land redistribution. Lee Seok-Jo's commercial theory for the industrial development of Suwon was the reasonable plan based on ‘Mubonbomal(務本補末).’ This was the plan to make Suwon a commercial province of Hannam(漢南) which was the center of the materials and a central distribution of commodities(物貨). In addition, he insisted to make a post town by moving three stations(三驛) into around Suwon. As seen in Lee Seok-Jo's current affairs theory in 『Jipsul』, he suggested a practical alternative from a national perspective. Regardless of any political fraction, 『Jipsul』 was a social reform plan which was designed for ordinary people's life stability.

This paper examines the life and achievements of modern Chinese historian Fang Hao(1910-1980) and the meanings of Zhongxi jiaotong shi, one of his representative achievements, in history of historiography including its composition, materials, characteristics and limitations. It is thought that the author, who had never had any formal professional education of history, was able to write a masterpiece of this field not only due to the atmosphere of Chinese universities and academia of the time which emphasized competence rather than educational background, but also with his own effort and will as the greatest driving force. The author lived an extraordinary life by consistently publishing numerous wide-ranging academic writings during his busy daily life of actively participating in various conferences and research institute activities, while fulfilling his duties as a Catholic priest, a director of a press, and a professor as well. Zhongxi jiaotong shi is a book that almost completely summarizes the history of Sino-Western exchange from the prehistoric era to the mid-Qing Dynasty, and it’s difficult to find a research comparable to this in terms of composition, cited materials, historical investigation and perspective. While it describes the relations with the West in a chronological order until the late-Ming dynasty, which is when the contact between China and the West began in earnest, it takes an exceptional approach regarding the Sino-Western cultural exchange mainly developed by Western missionaries after the late-Ming dynasty, by dealing in detail according to each academic discipline. In addition, the trustworthiness of historical investigation is increased by the comparative analysis of various domestic and foreign materials and preceding studies including excavated artifacts and ancient legends, and in some cases it shows flexibility of using materials from East Asian countries that are not in the research range. Moreover, comprehending the phenomenon of Sino-Western exchange from the world-history perspective and focusing on indirect and trivial relations were rare attempts compared to preceding researches. This book not only has expanded the horizon of studies on the history of Sino-Western exchange through finding out historical sources and individual researches unnoticed by others, but is also characterized by solving long-standing issues of academia and correcting errors of related materials and preceding researches which led to a lot of new interpretations. This has been made possible due to the author’s solid basis of Chinese studies, excellent foreign language skills, detailed historical investigation, and his own unique view of the history. The author focused on studying the Sino-Western cultural exchanges during the late-Ming and the early-Qing period because, other than the environmental factors of his growing up and being a priest, he considered the continuation of cultural exchanges with the spirit of mutual equality and respect as the most ideal direction for human society’s coexistence and convergence. As a member of the generation that had experienced inequalities and invasions between China and the West since the Opium War, this perception of the author is thought to be an academic attitude ahead of the times. Although this book has a lot of strengths shown above, it has problems such as poor readability due to the systematic limitation of writing practices of the time, and the misprints caused by rushing printing to use it as a textbook. Quite a few imperfections such as contents that seem to be the author’s mistake or misunderstanding and the lack of consistency(unity) are found additionally. As the author was also aware of these shortcomings and was very dissatisfied by them, it’s a shame he did not have an opportunity to make corrections and supplementations to the end. Nevertheless, the publication of this book is judged to have historiographic status and meanings in that it has laid the foundation for researches of a history of Sino-Western exchanges and raised the level one step further by integrating previous research outcomes and pioneering new research perspective and area.

The Roman Empire has been celebrated for its integration policies, e.g. through granting citizenship to retired soldiers of the auxilia or to honoratiores of municipia. So far, however, it has been rarely looked at the effects these integration-policies had on Roman law. In this paper, the extent of the flexibility of Roman law dealing with incoming “foreign” elements (persons, legal traditions, etc.) is analyzed, with focus on elite integration. Particularly, some effects and necessities of regulating those issues can be observed in the Spanish municipal statutes. While on the one hand, legislators and jurisprudents tried everything to integrate such cases into the existing framework, at certain points minor issues became major problems and forced to modify or even change long-lived legal frames, especially with regard to family law and law of succession. Imperial taxation of inheritances, the so-called vicesimal hereditatium, can be regarded as a specific promoter of such change. Thus, the contact zones of municipia with regular “production” of new citizens had a great impact on the whole system of Roman law and society, and substantially tested Roman “integrativeness”.

This article focuses on the rhetorical communication strategy of Cicero in one important course case, Pro Cluentio. After a short introduction where I briefly define the meaning of “contact zone”, “stereotype”, and the interaction model of the sociologist Erving Goffman as framework of my analysis, I proceed in two main sections, and in a comparative way. By contrasting the typical image of being a decent Roman man and Roman mother in Roman society with the anti-images constructed of the antagonists of Cicero’s defendant, Oppianicus the Elder and Sassia, I shall show the case strategy applied by our orator. Cicero’s portrayal of an anti-Roman man and an anti-Roman mother is carefully conducting by clashing stereotypes, belittling, and inverting roles, among others. Through a detailed examination of the framing strategy, I attempt to understand Cicero’s way of persuasion not as a one-directional act of top-down-communication but as a carefully designed anchoring of his constructed images in the already existing frames of experience and expectation of the audience. Exactly knowing these frames, Cicero targeted, framed, and eventually convinced the judges of the innocence of Cluentius.

Ming established a defense system centered on ‘Liaodongdusi’ in the first year of Hong-wu and attempted to enter Jurchen’s territory based on this system. At the time, however, it was unable to concentrate its military power on the Jurchen, devoted to the maintenance of the system of Liaodongdusi and the defense of Mongolia. Thereby the ‘Tie-ling wei’ and ‘San-wan wei’ that had been set up in Yalu River and Tuman River for the containment of Jurchen and Joseon were transferred to northern of Liaodongdusi. Ming maintained the system in the period of Yung-le’s resign and re-tried to advance into Jurchen’s territory such as Hui-rong River. First, the establishment of ‘Nuergan-dusi’ to include the Hui-rong River in the jurisdiction of the Ming and at the same time to establish a ‘wei-suo’ in a number of Jurchen’s town to make it a Ming’s jurisdiction. After the establishment, Nuergan-dusi became a permanent organization, failed to develop stably, and remained a temporary military organization with 10 military activities as needed. Moreover, in the period of Xuan-de’s resign, Nuergan-dusi completely lost its function, so Hui-rong River became an out-of-door region. Ming also wanted to advance into the Tuman River watershed. In the process, ‘Mengke-temur’ in ‘Jian-zhou Jurchen’ became a prime target for Ming to conciliate due to its strong tribe. However, since Mengke-temur was already under Joseon influence, Joseon and Ming caused conflict over them. Ming’s entry into Jurchen’s territory had a variety of objectives, such as strengthening military forces to conquer Mongolia, securing rear forces, separating Joseon and Jurchen, and restraining Joseon from advancing Liaodong. Because of this, Ming had a strong will to secure Jurchen’s jurisdiction. Eventually, Mengke-temur gradually moved away from Joseon as he leaned toward Ming. The situation of Jian-zhou Jurchen breakaway from Joseon can be regarded as being temporarily incorporated into Ming's wei-suo system, but Jurchen was distributed over a vast Liaodong, and their overall change process meant Jurchen's growth. The 15th-century Joseon and Ming joint Jurchen conquest and strengthening of border defenses reflect the growth of Jurchen and the resulting Liaodong crisis. Ming's defensive line construction means Liaodongdusi’s defense, but it is also a transition to passive policy and a growth of foreign forces. In this sense, the 15th century is the period when Ming's foreign advance activities are most vigorous and at the same time turn into a passive defense policy centered on ‘The Great Wall’. Therefore, when we understood the period of Yung-le’s resign, it was simply understood as a period when foreign activities flourished, but it had obvious limitations in terms of its effectiveness. It can be said that these limitations have been one of the important reasons for the transition from Ming's aggressive offensive to defensive defense.