KJC Korea
Journal Central

As feminist activism has regained prominence in contemporary Korean society, there have been recent increases in emotional tension and social conflict between young women and young men. In this paper, I consider cases of antifeminism discourse that view feminist activism as unfair and a selfish abuse of state power. It appears that such antifeminist discourse does not simply reject feminism, but additionally places it in an oppositional and contradictory relation to other categories of social justice, such as fairness. In so doing, antifeminist discourse not only undercuts the political radicality of feminism but also deprives the notion of fairness of its sociohistorical significance. Further, antifeminist discourse also replaces gender as a sociocultural structure of oppression and replaces the critical lens of social analysis with a naturalized and essentialized notion of biological differences.

In the mid-19th century, in the wake of the coercive opening of ports by imperialist powers, East-Asian countries like China, Japan, and Korea began to perceive that western sciences, technologies, and institutions were superior to their own. The most difficult aspect of interacting with western civilizations and cultures was the absence of the corresponding concepts and realities in East Asia, which could have facilitated the translation of the key concepts in these western cultures. For example, there was neither the concept nor the reality of ‘society’ or the ‘individual’ in East-Asian countries. Thus, new terms that could carry similar meanings were invented in these countries. Their efforts to make ‘modern nations like West’ ultimately failed because of the differences between traditional Eastern and Western ways of life. However, these failures were not necessarily negative, as the Western concepts of ‘society’ and the ‘individual’, which were inventions of the modern West, would eventually serve to facilitate the rise of bourgeois capitalists. Therefore, it is our task to create new concepts comprising alternative visions that can be used to break through the impasse caused by the West during modern times.

The ongoing generational debate in Korea is problematic in that new problems are currently unfolding that have yet to be examined by the traditional methods of generational research of Korean society in the 21st century. In Korea's economic situation in the 21st century, the younger generation cannot properly establish itself as a generational subject, which is partially due to the unprecedented political rise of the older generation. In addition, on the surface, the conflict between the younger and the older generations appears to be escalating. The levels of distrust and disgust between the younger and the older generations are becoming serious as the prolonged economic slump continues to point to a bleak outlook for the future. In particular, the generational conflict has emerged as a major conflict in Korean society following the impeachment of the president in the winter of 2016. However, if we examine the current generational conflict in Korea in a sober and rational way, we find that it is being encouraged by certain voices. Above all, the generation of game players with their own political interests are attempting to frame certain issues as generational issues and amplifying the current generational conflict. It is necessary for the public to understand this aspect of the "generational game" and to have a rational, cool-headed approach that involves hesitating and questioning the situation of the generational conflict. In addition, creating interest and understanding for a specific generation by facilitating communication and exchange between generations will serve as the first step toward breaking the vicious cycle of social division and disgust in Korea.

In recent years, the effects of globalization have caused our society to rapidly change to a 'migration society'. There has been increasing interest in transnational migrants in our society with a focus on the issue of ‘hospitality’ and treating migrants as guests from the owner's point of view, as well as the question: how will our society accept them? The crux of the questions asked from this standpoint is as follows: how should we treat those who have emerged as others in our society? What form should the norm of hospitality take in the new immigrant society that lies before us? This question discusses the issue of hospitality to immigrants from the point of view of residents who have remained within their borders. However, this article raises different questions from the perspective of the de-bordered migrant society: Is it not possible to have ‘the right to hospitality’ that can be asserted from the point of view of migrants as ‘the right of others’? Can hospitality be treated as a strong assertion and as a full right to protect oneself, as opposed to an incomplete right based on other people's good will and ethics? How does the right of hospitality relate to ‘the right to membership’, which is a matter of the qualification of members in a society? These are the main topics to be addressed. First, this article deals with the issue of ‘membership’, which is closely related to the issue of hospitality. Second, it reviews how the ‘political membership’ issue, which has traditionally been dealt with in terms of nationality or citizenship, is currently undergoing a change in the migrant society based on the discussion of Benhabib and Walzer. Then, through a discussion of Kant's conditional hospitality and Derrida's unconditional hospitality, we will consider how to deal with the issue of 'hospitality' as a right and attempt to establish its meaning and limitations. Finally, we willl predict the possibility of the reconstruction of hospitality right in relation to the theory of recognition.

Since entering Yemen, open hate speech toward foreigners has ignited. Until now, xenophobia has spread through the Internet. However, abhorrent acts are now justified in the name of safety, people, national identity and nationalism, or nationalism, by disguising distorted and fabricated information as truth. The targets of these abhorrent acts are also expanding substantially to include all foreigners, including ethnic Koreans in China, illegal immigrants, refugees, and multicultural families. Hate speech of this sort that attacks certain ethnic and national groups denies dignity and equality to others. In addition, it is a form of racism that justifies discrimination on the grounds of attributes that minorities have. It should be remembered that hate speech has the effect of forcing silence on the minority and is a form of murder of the soul (Morooka Yasko 2015, 91-95) that causes the minority to stop objecting to the hate speech due to feeling self-ashamed and helpless. Xenophobic groups argue that they do not abhor foreigners, but instead care about our safety and protecting our community and our national identity. However, underneath the abhorrence is how the state has intentionally managed and controlled other people for a long time. The state should realize that racism and hatred have sprung up as a result of the nation's own role in oppression in reporting, cracking down, and deporting. This is a rudimentary study that reveals how xenophobia forms.

El Retrato de la Lozana Andaluza was traditionally dismissed due to its sexual contents and disordered structure. However, it has lately been gaining attention and critical consideration as it has overcome the prejudices it previously faced. Now, its extraordinary compositional design is appreciated in its structural modernity. Above all, the exceptional originality of La Lozana is manifested in its narrative procedures, which anticiped techniques that became common in the twentieth century. Thus, La Lozana can be considered as a case of experimental originality, halfway between La Celestina and el Lazarillo de Tormes, which anticipates the most advanced techniques, including those of the author of Don Quijote. In La Lozana, there are many comments by the author about his own novel, as well as recommendations, reflections, justifications and instructions for his novel to be read correctly. These paratexts, as prologues, epilogues, and prints, have important functions in the interpretation of the novel, and this study deals with these functions.

When Buddhism was introduced in China, Buddhist Scriptures were translated by Chinese people from Sanskrit into Chinese. In this process, many new Buddhist terms began to be secularized and used in daily life. This was a fusion of Indian Sanskrit and Chinese, where the Buddhist cultures of India and China were combined to produce a unique Chinese Buddhist culture. The mutual exchange of vocabularies and cultures between the two countries has greatly influenced the current Buddhist vocabulary in China. Through the analysis of meanings in Chinese and Buddhism of terms related to 佛 and 魔, this study determined that those terms contain abundant Buddhist culture and deep teachings of Buddhism, and, in a reverse way, that those words and Buddhist culture and teachings make abundant the vocabulary contents and improve the effects of the expression. Further, this kind of analysis is helpful in understanding the origin development processes of such terms as well as the Buddhist culture contained in those words. Through corpus-based analysis, this study calculated the frequencies of use in ancient and modern Chinese societies, and suggested reasons for the differences in the two societies regarding words related to 佛 and 魔. In addition, through linked word analysis, this study found the words that are most frequently used by the public, which contributes to the understanding of the customs and the thinking methods of the Chinese.

In this research, we used empirical methods to study the pitch accent realization in Korean spoken by native Japanese speakers, as Japanese shares phonetic similarities with Korean. We selected Sino-Korean words that had similar meanings and pronunciation in both Korean and Japanese according to their numbers of syllables, their syllables, and their phonemes. We then conducted an experiment where we divided the selected words into word unit speech and sentence unit speech, and analyzed the results using Praat. In the study, we aimed to determine the causes of foreign- and awkward-sounding speech in the suprasegmental factors of pitch accent realization aspects to provide objective basic materials for native speakers of Japanese, a pitch accent language, that can help improve their communication skills. The results showed that in the case of the word unit speech, the errors were caused by a different pitch accent average value, while in the case of the sentence unit speech, the errors were caused by different pitch accent patterns than those of native Korean speakers. We confirmed that the word unit and the sentence unit speech environment-dependent pitch accent patterns in Korean were negative factors for Japanese Korean learners, as Japanese uses fixed pitch patterns. In addition, the difference in the average pitch accent values was also confirmed to be a negative factor for these learners. (Keimyung University)

The aim of this study is to investigate consolation speech acts patterns in native Korean speakers to improve the communication among Korean language learners. First, after investigating difficult consolation situations between close relationships for those in their 20s and 30s, who take up a large portion among Korean language learners, and finally 10 most common situations were chosen. Then, the native Korean speakers, in their 20s and 30s, were also surveyed on how to use consolation speech acts. The results of this study showed that there were some differences in the consolation speech acts using, not only according to the gender of speakers but also according to the gender of hearers. Specifically, within the same sex, there was a substantial difference in speech acts in situations of failure, partings, and loss, whereas among the opposite sex, speech difference was found in situations of parting and reprimand. Although there were no distinct differences according to the genders of speakers and hearers in other situations, there were differences in the speech act characteristics between males and females, as certain characterized consolation speech act methods were preferred according to the situations. The results of this study will serve as basic learning data that can be used for effective consolation speech act education for Korean learners in the future.

Evelio Rosero has published works across various genres and criticized Colombian absurdist history. His masterpiece, 『The Armies』, also attempts to determine how the desires and madness of individuals and groups that cause violence and war are erupting and how this affects the masses. In particular, it criticizes the reality of the irrational social structure by showing the atrocities of the armed group that is the protagonist of the current violent social phenomenon in Colombia. However, as a writer, Rosero does not attempt to depict violence itself in this novel. Instead, he wants to focus on the influence of violence, which causes anxiety, fear, and despair in the people. He also emphasizes the human suffering caused by war and criticizes the public's indifference to violence and war. In addition, Rosero states concerns about the effects of a reality in which violence is habitual. Finally, he claims that we have to overcome out indifference to the armed group and memorialize the history of Colombia. Furthermore, he hopes that the world will join with Colombia to help solve this issue.

The comedies El Perro del Hortelano and The Taming of the Shrew by the leading Spanish and British playwrights Lope and Shakespeare, respectively, contained excellent comedy that matched Olson's theory of comedy, 'Different.' On the other hand, there is a distinction between the two in terms of the message intended to be conveyed to the audience through the comedy. Specifically, in Lope's El perro del Hortelano, there are messages criticizing the unreasonable social custom of birth identity, while in Shakespeare's The Taming of the Shrew, only the problem of inequality between men and women is addressed, and no messages of criticism are found. This difference can be found in the argument of the philosopher Feibleman, who stated, 'The drama is mainly fuelling in times of change and reform.' In other words, compared to Spain in the Lope era, which sought change in the face of overall crisis, Britain in the Shakespeare era was a time that laid the foundation for prosperity, not crisis.

The introduction and acceptance of photographs in East Asia largely progressed in three: a stage where the principle of photograph was known through literature; a stage where the entity and experience of photography was known through records maintained by foreigners, since photograph was invented in 1839; and the stage where photography was technically accepted by fellow countrymen. By the way, generally speaking, the first photograph of one country refers to the second stage, where photography is known through records. When the first photograph of a country exists as evidence of that country, it is called the first photograph that still exists. 
 The acceptance of photography in Korea did not simply originate with the introduction of photography through commercial trade with foreign countries or forced commercial agreements with Occidental imperialism. In Korea, photography was accepted through historic or unexpected cases. The first photograph of Korea is officially that of the Lee Ui-ik envoy group, taken in 1863. Such acceptance is later than that in China by more than 20 years, mainly because of Chosun's persecution of Catholicism and national isolation policy against foreign culture which was further enhanced following the Opium War in China.
 Photographs of Korea shot and kept by foreigners in which Koreans were subject were recently found. Most of them were shot after 1860s'. Thus, the established theory is that no daguerreotype exists in the history of photography in Korea. However, such affirmation only remains as a record of the national isolation policy at the time. The first photograph of Korea may retroact to the time before 1860s'. Suggesting some hypotheses on this matter, the first possibility is the existence of photographs in which Chosun & Chosun people were shot from a Western vessel that arrived in Chosun for opening doors and trade. In particular, if a photograph had been taken by them to prepare a nautical chart, they may have still been kept in the archives of many museums of the Orient, military articles, maritime museums, map museums, and anthropological museums of Western countries. Meanwhile, the acceptance year of the first photograph in Korea can be further retroacted by studying the archive of photographs of Korean Catholicism, because the trace of historic ordeal of Korean Catholicism left in photographs may be found in unexpected private spaces instead of politic cases. Such photographs can be found through the passion and dedication of researchers as well as voluntary donations from overseas hoarders.

This paper analyzes Across a Hundred Mountains written by Reyna Grande, one of the most renowned writers of Latin literature in the 2000s. Specifically, this paper focuses on the new aspects of immigrant-fiction as compared to the novel’s relevance to Chicana feminism. While the book does continue the legacy of Chicana feminism by highlighting discrimination against immigrant women, it also surpasses this aspect. This is to say that, in the backdrop of the decline in the discourse on Chicana feminism that started in the 1990s, a new way of addressing immigrant narratives is emerging. This article first analyzes the elements of Chicana feminism represented in the novel. It then exhibits the aspects that extend beyond the framework of Chicana feminism and discusses what this change represents by introducing new concepts. Through this process, the article aims to make explicit the new tendencies that are emerging in immigration-fiction which first appeared during the latter half of the 20th century. Specifically, the article appropriates the concept of ‘post-Gatekeeper border fiction’ based on the fact that the main theme of the novel centers around the trauma suffered during migrant disappearances in the post-gatekeeper period as opposed to notions of Chicana feminism. In conclusion, the novel criticizes the forcible migration policy of the U.S. and offers a different perspective on migration issues of the late 20th century through the consciousness of post-gatekeeper border fiction.

The main purpose of this study is to compare the forms and meanings of the 'race concept' reflected in speeches on the national identities of Guatemala and Costa Rica during the time of the Liberal Reform (which spanned from the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century). Guatemala, the cradle of the Mayan civilization, was known to be the country with the highest percentage of indigenous population (more than 60% of the total population) in all of Central America, while Costa Rica was already known at that time as a 'white race' country. Although there was a visible difference in the ethnic compositions of the two countries, they both showed a similar form of national identity based on the so-called 'bleaching of the nation’. Nevertheless, behind the similar external form of national identity that the intellectuals of both countries aimed to build, there were some significant differences stemming from the peculiarities of the historical-social development and the distinct characteristics of the racial composition of each population. This study attempts to compare and contrast the national identities of Guatemala and Costa Rica by analyzing the representative speeches of the time: in the case of Guatemala, with a focus on a thesis by Miguel Ángel Asturias and other discursive fragments of the 1920 Generation, while in the case of Costa Rica, with a focus on chronicles written by foreigners who visited the country from the mid-nineteenth century as well as the opinions of some intellectuals and politicians belonging to the Olympus Generation. Likewise, this study is supported by the results of academic studies that have already been carried out by researchers in international academic circles, particularly the works of Casaús Arzú, Steven Palmer, Iván Molina, and Carlos Sojo, among others, since the subject at hand – Central American national identity – is yet to receive widespread attention in Latin American studies in Korea. This work is thus expected to hold bibliographical value and serve as a reference for future studies by Korean academics.

Between the end of the 19 th century and the beginning of the 20 th century, Spanish intellectuals expressed various opinions and debated about ‘what Spain is’. They discussed Spain’s national character in the face of the gradual decline of the country. Unamuno was one of the prominent thinkers on this subject. He adopted a desperate existential problematic as the starting point through which to examine the problems of Spain. Thus, Spain as a material became a central issue in the intellectual development of Unamuno, which continued throughout his literary career. Its starting point was in On Casticism, which was published in 1895. In this collection of essays, he first presents the concept of intrahistory associated with Spain’s eternal tradition, then explores various elements related to this concept. Among them, he deals with mysticism as a fundamental constituent of the Spanish spirit. This idea, which pursues the absolute and eternal beyond the visible variable world, is responsible for an axis of national identity that is closely linked with the notion of intrahistory presented by Unamuno. Thus, this study will examine what the Spanish mysticism and the methodology pursued by the mystics mean in relation to the national identity presented by Unamuno. In doing so, we aim to show that mysticism not only forms an integral part of the Spanish character, but is also closely connected with Unamuno’s ideas on Spain’s national identity.

Using critical discourse analysis, this study aims to examine the characteristics and functions of 1) political and media discourses produced by experts in the Korean society in the face of the conflicts between the U.S. and China, 2) the intertextuality between expert discourse and public opinion, and 3) the social practice of discourse that operates in relation to social structural problems. A number of YouTube channels, ‘Choi Kyung-young’s Economic Show: Jeon Byung-seo vs. Kwak Soo-jong’, and ‘Kim Mi-kyung TV: Choi Byung-il vs. Lee Sung-hyun’ are selected to examine the utterances of the experts within as well as the comments of the viewers for qualitative analysis. The results show that first, Jeon Byung-seo vs. Kwak Soo-jong’s respective pro-Chinese and pro-American tendencies are characterized by a contrasting argumentative debate structure, while Choi Byung-il vs. Lee Sung-hyun’s were considered to be a collaborative problem-solution discussion structure. In the first channel, the ambiguous pro-China stance of Jeon Byung-seo using indirect speech methods was contrasted with the resolute pro-U.S. stance of Kwak Soo-jong using direct method speech methods. By contrast, in the discussion between Choi Byung-il and Lee Sung-hyun, both participants agree on most of the issues relating to questions like 'What is the nature of the U.S.-China conflict? What is Huawei? Is it valid to maintain the contemporary diplomatic strategy: Korean security relies on the U.S. whereas its economy depends on China? What is the identity of the Republic of Korea?' and so forth. They both adopt an open problem-solving method that reserves their ideological stances and encourages listeners to judge and choose between the “pro-American” or “pro-Chinese” position themselves. Second, the results of the analysis of the ‘Choi Kyung-young’s Economic Show’ on the intertextuality between the experts’ discourse and the viewers’ public opinion were based on personality reviews of the panelists, which mostly consisted of praise for Jeon Byung-seo and criticism for Kwak Soo-jong. This was interpreted as an indirect expression of the listener's ‘pro-Chinese’ tendencies through character reviews. Conversely, the results of the ‘Kim Mi-kyung TV’ comment analysis showed a clear ideological orientation that was “pro-U.S. & anti-China” as well as fear and antipathy toward the “Chinese Communist Party.” Interestingly, there were no “pro-China” comments. Third, the link between social structure and discourse was described with a focus on the changes in American national strategy and the all-around measures for China announced by U.S. Vice President Pence in his Hudson speech. The following three points were explained: 1) the declaration of the New Cold War regime by the U.S., 2) the establishment of the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD): China, and 3) details on the clash of civilizations. Then, the points of China's counterargument were explained. Furthermore, it is discussed that Korea has faced a situation similar to a proxy war between the U.S. and China because it has been forced to select one country between the two. Ultimately, this research explored the implications of the current construction and reconstruction of the “pro-U.S.” or “anti-China” ideologies.

The ongoing debate regarding the Native Speaker, Non-Native Speaker (NS-NNS) dichotomy over the past 30 years in applied linguistics literature have generally focused on issues of identity (Norton, 2006), linguistic imperialism (Phillipson, 1992), and the relations of power between the centre and periphery (Kachru, 1996). It is well known that many of these theories have been informed by critical pedagogy and poststructuralism (Morgan & Ramanathan, 2005). Recently, postcolonial theories of historicization, decolonialization, and subalternity, developed from Gramsci’s (2000) theory of hegemony, have been appropriated in applied linguistics literature and synthesized with critical approaches to ELT practices (Kumaravadivelu, 2016; Shin, 2006). While these approaches are designed to foment social change within applied linguistic practices, it is clear that their effect has been limited (Graddol, 2006). Many scholars in education cite neoliberalism as the mechanism that withers critical approaches to education (Giroux, 2010). The purpose of this paper is to review the relevant literature in order to discern why it has failed to be truly transformative. Drawing on political (Mouffe, 2005) and psychoanalytic theory (Stavrakakis, 2007), the author attempts to describe how post-democratic societies have displaced emotion, or passion with reason, thus reducing the political will to fully implement counter-hegemonic movements within applied linguistics. The review of this literature suggests that emotion and passion are necessary for social change.