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In this paper, we extracted and analyzed the calligraphy works of Monk Calligrapher Bianguang(䛒光), who made a reputation by working in Late Tang Dynasty, and the poems of the time when he commented or sang the calligraphy of Bianguang and the evaluations of the past writers after Tang. Although Tang Dynastic achieved fame as Monk Calligrapher and Huaisu(懷素) and Gaoxian(高閑) are representative monks who still have a reputation today, the poems of contemporary writers who recited the calligraphy of Bianguang have been handed down in large quantities to this day after Huaisu. As the life of Bianguang overlaps with the chaotic end of Late Tang Dynasty, it is difficult to grasp the true face of his poetry and calligraphy, with his collection of poems and the collection of poems and calligraphic writings extolling the Bianguang calligraphy now leaving no trace until today. However, I summed up Bianguang's Cursive Style of Writing through the seven existing poems reciting the calligraphy of Monk Calligrapher Bianguang contained in Quantangshi(≪全唐詩≫). Successive to Monk Calligrapher Huaisu's styles, his calligraphy was natural without restraint, and it can be seen that he had never been shabby or paranoid because of his pliant and grandeur. This was also confirmed in the post Tang Dynasty assessments of Bianguang’s calligraphy.

This paper started by raising objections to treating Hua-jian-ci and Liu-yong-ci as one category, classifying the main Ci-ti among scholars studying the Ci-ti. This is because Hua-jian-ci and Liu-yong-ci were thought to be ci-ti that showed clear differences in many ways. First of all, their differences could be found in terms of the musical aspects represented by the Ci-diao. Hua-jian-ci used a lot of traditional Jiao-fang songs and not many new songs were taken at the time. Also, there were many works per Ci-diao, so they tended to create familiar songs over and over again rather than new songs. On the other hand, Liu-yong-ci used a lot of new music of Song dynasty rather than the previous period, and the number of works per Ci-diao was relatively small. Based on this, Hua-jian-ci shows a tendency to be conservative in terms of music, and Liu-yong-ci shows a progressive aspect. Next, in terms of the structure of the work, Hua-jian-ci is mostly a Xiao-ling of short-length, and is excellent at quickly changing scenes, focusing on scene descriptions. Liu-yong-ci, however, has a large number of long types, and is excellent at expressing emotions using the method of Pu-xu. Therefore, Hua-jian-ci and Liu-yong-ci show almost the opposite characteristics in the structure of the work. In this regard, Hua-jian-ci and Liu-yong-ci are clearly Ci-ti’s with unique personalities. Therefore, it seems inappropriate to discuss the two as a single Ci-ti. As the body changed from Hua-jian-ci to Liu-yong-ci, Tang-song-ci was able to stand tall as a literary style that could represent an era. In addition, the various expressions they developed had a good influence on future poet.

Huang Tingjian passed the Wutai Poetry Case, after about ten years of banishment, the writing of poetry and literature has changed a lot. At that time, Su Shi and Su Men were worried that their own poems would become a problem again, did not want to write poetry, and Huang Tingjian also strictly restrained himself from creating poetry. From The first year of Shao Sheng to four years of Shao Sheng, until his death, we can see that Ci Writing were more active than poetry. This article is based on Huang tingjian's relegation Ci, research the creative characteristic of relegation Ci. First of all, if you look at the sanctions and the nature of the content, After he was banished, he used a variety of topics from Bashu. Using the famous specialties of Bashu, tea, lychee, folk culture, and other distinctive features of the area as sanctions, Not only did the work expand the scope of its contents, it also produced works of historical value that made people see the life of the time. Huang Tingjian also writes the relegation Ci in the way of Chang He(唱和) Ji Ju(集句) and Yin Kuo(檃括). These forms of writing Ci all begin with poetry, slowly use this way to writing Ci. Su Shi and his disciples were at the center of the beginning and development of this creative mode. He was also accept the creative attitude of “Taking poetry as Ci(以詩爲詞)” of Su Shi. Huang Tingjian recognized original value of Ci and was faithful to original creative function and style of Ci. As a result, after he was eventually demoted, he wrote Yan Ci by graceful and restrained genre, it's about a variety of topics. Huang Tingjian’s relegation Ci coexists with the creative characteristics of Shi Hua(詩化) and Ci Hua(詞化). These features allowed him to look at a side called “Bie Shi Yi Jia(別是一家)”, it could confirm his important position once again at the changing and developing period of the Northern Song Dynasty.

The pattern theory of poetics is the mainstream andauthentic in the  the Ming Dynasty. Thepoetry school of restoration which is led by the ‘Ming Qizi’ refuted the Song poetry extremely. Hu Yinglin followes the The patterntheory of poetics’ style and continues the theoryof ‘Ming Qizi’, but his overall evaluation ofSong poetry was not good. In Hu Yinglin's poetics pedigree, “MirableImages and Romantic Charms” of Tang poetry is the model of his pursuit. Based on the concept of “style to replace change”, he emphasizes theevolutionary consciousness of “one generation has one generation ofliterature”. He believes that song poetry imitates Tang poetry, pursuesskills without new changes, “style to replace decline”, and itsquality and style decline, so it is replaced by Song poetry. Hu Yinglin takesthe concept of “physical inferiority” as the mirror image, whichnaturally reflects many problems of Jiangxi poetic school, Suhuang and Yuan’s poetry. They negative the value of the domain and they are also lost in the “outside” of his poetic history pedigree based on Tang poetry.In some agree, his active exploration of Suhuang,Jiangxi poetry school and Song poetry’s characteristics deepenedpeople's understanding of Song poetry objectively, and opened the trend of the “GongAn” school to respect Song Dynasty.

In the 1990s Chinese fictions, narratives of masculinity are summarized in three aspects. Firstly, male egos manifest masculinity which aspires to be dominative. the pursuit to hegemonic masculinity accompanies self objectification and loss of his identity. Secondly, hegemonic masculinity is ambilateral. The successful male lacks relationship, only to prove that the practice of hegemonic masculinity is in discord with masculinity which has been provided by patriarchism. Finally, the heterogenized heroic masculinity has been created. It simultaneously embraces positive qualifications of traditionally heroic male identity and the commercialistic trait that goes with the consumeristic society. Meanwhile, the masculinity featuring elimination of everything non masculine reveals nervousness and anxiety for its weakening. Hereby, male narratives in the 1990s Chinese fictions expose precariousness of masculinity with two features. The hegemonic masculinity causes precariousness because it disagrees with the masculinity that is required to practice gender roles granted by the patriarchal system. Also, masculinity becomes precarious because it claims to be powerful. The request for powerful masculinity reminds it of masculinity that leads to control and power. Since the powerful masculinity is built on eliminations of non masculine traits, it contains dangers of isolation and discord. Then it becomes a major precariousness conceived in the strong masculinity.

This study aims to discuss the Zhi from the perspective of cross- linguistics by seeing Zhi as a type of a complementizer that appears in the inner structure of subject-predicate. In the first place, it examines the universality of a complementizer through the examples of Korean and English. Based on this, the particularity of 之 as a complementizer in ancient Chinese will be discussed in this study. Second of all, it examines the correspondence relations and conditions of the complemen- tizers of three languages by comparing the examples of complementizer ‘之’ with English and Korean translation, used in the book titled Mengzi, which is the representative literature in the pre-qin period. Lastly, it investigates the origin and cause of extinction of a complementizer, ‘之’ from the typological perspective.

In Chinese, ‘給’ belongs to a vocabulary with high frequency of use and has various syntactic distributions and meanings, and also represents various grammatical functions. This paper considered ‘給’ as an investi- gation used in 把-text. When using ‘把……給V’ formula, it is often used in spoken language and serves to reveal or emphasize negative emotional colors. Emphasis can be said to involve the subjectivity of the speaker. However, not all ‘把’ advice can be used, and this paper looked at the case where ‘給’ can be used for ‘把’ advice and its limitations. First of all, we looked at the verbs used in the ‘把……給V’ formula and found that they were commonly used in verbs representing motion, and that they often had negative meanings such as removal, loss, loss, extinction, eviction, and separation damage. From the perspective of grammaticalization, the survey ‘給’ can be seen as a change in the preposition ‘給’ and is also related to the grammatical use of the preposition ‘給’, and it can be interpreted that the word ‘給’ is omitted after the object or ‘給’ can be interpreted as the meaning of ‘給’.

This paper was intended to analyze the functional change of the Chinese numeral ‘一(yi)’ from a diachronic and synchronic perspective, which is a typical polysemy of the Chinese language. From a diachronic perspective, five representative literature of the period of Ancient, Middle ancient and Modern times were selected to examine the distribution of the function of ‘一(yi)’ used in the literature and the process of its changing, and also attempt to discover the organic correlation between the development of classifiers and ‘numeral＋classifier’ form and the functional change of ‘一(yi)’. In the synchronic perspective, we tried to examine Chinese numeral ‘一(yi)’ has any universality and individuality, through prepare it with functional changes of the ‘one’ of the cross- language. Lastly, we attempt find out which functional change step the Chinese numeral ‘一(yi)’ is currently in, and to infer the process of its future changes.

As a pair of Synonymous Monosyllabic-verb and Disyllabic-verb with the Same Morpheme “Xue” and “Xuexi” that often appear in the initial stage of Chinese teaching, they seem to have the same meaning and simple usages, but after careful inspection, we found that they have different divisions of functions in modern Chinese and responsibilities are different, and there are obviously different. The main reasons for these differences are the difference in the action of the monosyllabic-verb “Xue” and disyllabic-verb “Xuexi”, and the precision of their meaning, the styles, and the extended meaning.

Based on the cohesion and coherence theory of Halliday & Hassan, as well as the supplementary theory of Zhang Delu & Liu Rushan. This assay analyses the cohesion and coherence characters by contrasting the same type of official text in Chinese and Korean language, and describes the correlation between cohesion and cohesion, and describes the related analysis frame. Analysis is conducted from two aspects, structural cohesion and non-structural cohesion. By analyzing 22 official texts from China’s and Korea’s government websites, based on statistic data, this assay draws the conclusion of differences in both structural and non-structural cohesion, for the discrepancy of Chinese and Korean’s language format.

ZhengZhuan(正篆) included in the ShuowenJiezi(說文解字) is written in Sound, and 49 of ZhengZhuan(正篆) quote the phrase of Confucian scriptures. In addition, Chinese Characters in the phrase use DuRuozi(讀若字). There are DuRuo(讀若), DuYu(讀與) and DuYouRuo(讀又若) in the phonetic language of these materials. The 經典 phrases quote 3 phrases in LunYu(論語), 20 phrases in ShiJing(詩經), 4 phrase in ShuJing (書經), 9 phrases in Yi(易), 9 phrases in ChunQiuZuoZhuan(春秋左傳), 1 phrase in ChunQiuGongYangZhuan(春秋公羊傳), 3 phrases in ErYa(爾雅). Quoting the Confucian scriptures phrase has the effects of limiting the sound of the DuoYinZi(多音字) and making the meaning more clearly. This emphasis great value of the academic achievements of the XuShen(許愼), who is one of the outstanding literary arts scholars at the time. In the DuRuoZi(讀若字) of the quoted construction, there are 20 Chinese characters with the same pronunciation and different shapes, 7 Chinese characters with the same pronunciation and the same shape, 1 JiaJieZi(假借字) with the same pronunciation, 19 Chinese characters of the same ShengFu(聲符), and 2 Chinese characters with similar pronunciation. From this, it can be seen that XuShen(許愼) attempted to express the pronunciation of Chinese Characters as clearly as possible by quoting the phrase of Confucian scriptures in the pronunciation of ShuowenJiezi(說文解字). Also, through the pron- unciation relationship between ZhengZhuan(正篆) and DuRuozi(讀若字), it is clearly shown that the basic function of ShuowenJiezi(說文解字) ‘DuRuo(讀若)’ is in the pronunciation notation.

In Modern Chinese, ‘Checked tone(入聲)’ usually refers to the ‘tone Category(調類))’ derived from the ‘Checked tone’ in Middle Chinese. ‘Nanchang Dialect’ means the dialects which are used at Nanchang- city(南昌市) and surrounding counties in Jiangxi-province(江西省). The terminal sounds(韻尾) in Checked-tone has started disappearing in this dialect, and the change of the terminal sounds carries on, for the hierarchies among the related constrains has changed. First, because markedness constraints(*-p]σ & *[+mid][-back]&k) prohibiting all of the ‘-p’ and a part of ‘-k’ dominate faithfulness constraint(Ident(PlaceF)) that preserves place features in obstruent terminal sounds, all of the ‘-p’ and ‘-k’ behind the essential vowel ‘ɛ(e)’ has changed into ‘-t’. But ‘-p’ and ‘-k’ can’t change into ‘-ʔ’, for the constraint ‘*[-oral]]σ’ has dominant ranking over the constraint ‘Ident (PlaceF)’. Second, ‘-k’ behind essential vowel ‘u, o, ɔ, a, ɑ’ has changed into ‘-ʔ’, since the hierarchical ranking has been reversed between *-p]σ and ‘*[-oral]]σ’.

In this article, we considered the contents and the properties of the theoretical books that Luxun collected in connection with prints in other to answer the question that through what channel Luxun acquired the knowledge and understanding about the theory and creation of prints. Through this consideration, we confirmed that while English-language books that Luxun collected included professional contents based on the fundamental understanding of prints, Japanese-language books had the property of abecedarium suitable for beginners. We think that Japanese- language books were more useful for Luxun who is not familiar to prints than English-language books. Based on this assumption, we analyzed the connection between Luxun and the theoretical books of prints in Japan by making a comparison between Luxun’s writing and that of Japanese-language books, and by examining the name and concept of terms of prints such as creative wood-engraving, reproductive wood-engraving, wood-engraving. In the process that prints were accommodated in china, Luxun assumed a role of an initiator or a bridge.

The five-year plan for Sinicization of Buddhism includes eight key projects. This paper focuses on four projects that focus on spreading Buddhism management. Among the eight major projects for Sinicization of Buddhism, the first four projects have strong control and convergence, and The latter four projects are proliferating and expanding. This plan includes the Sinicization of Buddhism through the construction of human resources, the construction of culture, the development of public charity projects, and the expansion of overseas exchanges. The core of the Sinicization of Buddhism through human resource construction is in human resource construction through Buddhist schools, and This is being practiced with the aim of identifying the party and government's ruling ideology and practice. The Sinicization of Buddhism through cultural construction aims to strengthen the homogeneity and socialist use of the Chinese people. The Chineseization of Buddhism as a public charity project promotes charitable activities, but aims to break away from religion. The Sinicization of Buddhism through overseas exchanges is promoted at the level of China, The China circle, chinese Buddhism circle, Southern Buddhism circle, and the Global dimension. It is promoted in the direction of expanding China's influence, especially through Buddhist exchanges.

During the Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty, Du-fu(杜甫)’s poems was still loved and respected by not only literati but also the royal family. However, it is true that most of the discussions on the acceptance and influence of Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty have focused on the ideological trends or the perception and utilization of Joseon(朝鮮)‘s writers on the artistic achievements of Du-fu(杜甫)’s poems. It is true that the previous research achievements on the issue of acceptance and influence of Joseon(朝鮮) focused on the influence and acceptance of individual literati. The purpose of this study was to comprehensively identify the acceptance and influence of the Joseon(朝鮮) society on Du-fu(杜甫)'s poetry, breaking away from these previous research achievements. Based on the analysis of 64 articles in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄), this study considered the perception and understanding of Du-fu(杜甫)’s poems by the ruling class at that time. Through this research process, we can confirm that Du-fu(杜甫)’s poems are still recognized in Joseon(朝鮮)'s space as a utilitarian point of view, while also demanding learning for practical purposes such as diplomacy.

The “东文选” and Chinese poetry collections and historical books and records have more specific sources. There are twenty-two kinds of literary styles in “东文选” and “昭明文选”; there are twelve literary styles in “唐文粹” and both use the style of poetry before poetry; The sequence structure of poems and texts includes the same seven poems in the poetry. In addition, there are three different types of poems in the same style. In the poetry section, as in 宋文鉴 and 唐音, The order of “古—律—绝” is the same; the principles for selecting and editing styles of “元文类” are supplemented with secularism and political education. There are more than half of the same styles in sub-headings. In addition, there are certain links between the “东文选” and the “文心雕龙”, “史记”, “后汉书” and “文章体式”.

Cui Pu(崔溥)'s Piaohailu(≪漂海錄≫) was published at least six times in Joseon Dynasty. The book had a large number of readers. From Chengzong(成宗)—the king of Joseon, court ministers to ordinary scholars, many readers left different kinds of poetry and article materials about quoting, commenting on or just referring to Piaohailu, which provides us an important basis to study the acceptance of Cui Pu’s Piaohailu in Joseon Dynasty. On the basis of these materials, this paper discusses the acceptance of Piaohailu from four aspects: First, Joseon’s king Chengzong viewed Cui Pu’s experience of drift incident and his Piaohailu from the standpoint of winning glory for the country(華國).Second, the pragmatists paid attention to the knowledge and practicability of Piaohailu, and used it as a reference for compiling practical works. Thirdly, Zhao Zongzhu(趙宗著) and other scholars of Joseon Dynasty compared Cui Pu's preferential treatment in Ming Dynasty with Lin Yinguan(林寅觀)'s unfair treatment in Joseon. It reflects their thought of recompenses to Ming Dynasty. Fourthly, Nan Jiuwan(南九萬) and Jin Lvwan(金履萬)’s acceptance of Piaohailu combined with Cui Pu's experience after his returning to Joseon. Their poems showed their regret for Cui Pu's involvement in the Wuwu scholars’ calamity(戊午士禍). Additionally，the recipient shows the author's attitude towards the dispute about Ming Jiao(名教) triggered by the event of Cui Pu’s writing Piaohailu.