Korean | English

pISSN : 1975-2660

2020 KCI Impact Factor : 0.17
Home > Explore Content > All Issues > Article List

2011, Vol., No.9

  • 1.

    Sutra copying in the Nara period

    宮崎健司 | 2011, (9) | pp.9~56 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    The importation of Buddhist scripture into Japan began in around the 6th century. The set of sutras known as the Issaikyō was chanted in 651 and copied in 673. The oldest extant copy of this collection of sutras is of 686 and the oldest confirmed example is the text of 734 which was made according to the wishes of Shōmu Tennō. During the Nara period (710-784), over twenty sets of the Issaikyō collection were copied. The constant flow of Buddhist scripture into Japan is the background to this activity. The copies made under the Ritsuryō state were mostly done so under the auspices of the Empress’s Palace (kōgō gū shiki) and of the Imperial Palace (dairi). The collection requested by Kōmyōshi known as Gogatsu tsuitachi kyō was produced in the former, and in the latter, that by Kōken Tennō (known as the Keiun Issaikyō.) The sets are representative of Nara period copies of the collection. Designated “Chokutei Issaikyō” (the “definitive imperial Issaikyō”) by the Ritsuryō state, they subsequently became model texts. Regarding the composition and content of the collection, some specific characteristics are of note. While it was based on the Kaigen shakkyō roku, it also included besshōkyō (extracts from larger sutra collections), gigikyō (apocryphal sutras), mokurokugaikyō (sutras not in the catalogues) and shōsho (commentaries). This peculiarity reflects the fact that not only that the entirety of the Kaigen shakkyō roku was not available in Japan, and belies the state of Japan’s sutra collection at that time, but also indicates that there were some limits concerned with the intake and acceptance of the sutras to Japan. In order to supplement the gaps in the collection, the importation of texts by monks from Tang China was actively encouraged. The state’s Chokutei Issaikyō is testament to these efforts. On the other hand, there exists a sharp distinction between state ordered copies of sutras and sutras copied privately in response to personal requests. Many of the copies that fall into the latter category can be further divided into those made for the centrally based nobility, the central lower level bureaucracy, and for wealthy provincial clans. For the former were copied the Issaikyō collection and scriptures concerned with protection of the realm (gokoku butten), and these were copied and devoted for salvation of the imperial house and of all sentient beings. They display a strong “state” character. The latter comprised a variety of content and many were copied as a form of ancestor worship and reflect thaumaturgical beliefs. As a summary of the sutra scriptorium, the Zōtōdaijishi shakyōsho scriptorium may be taken as an example. Those employed there were administrators such as the bettō and anzū, and specialists such as the sutra instructor (kyōshi), proofreader (kōsei), and decorator (sōō), along with those who worked under them. The specialists were mostly temporary employees and they did sutra copying related work while living in boarding houses. The process of sutra copying was as follows. A request for copy would be received and the scriptorium would assemble an estimate of necessary materials for the job. Once accepted, the next step was the appointment of the workers and the selection of copybook along with the manufacture of paper for the copy. Once this preparation was complete, the sutra instructor would copy the sutra. Next, the proofreader would make any necessary corrections. The process was completed with the decorator’s tasks. The fee for sutra copying was high but if a character had been copied incorrectly or omitted the punishment would often be a monetary one. It was under such a harsh system, which also involved qualifying exams, that the extant Narachō shakyō was produced. Written requests for time off and for loans also provide an insight into the lives of the scribes. The origins of the Narachō shakyō are diverse. It was used later as a copybook for extant transcripts and printed books. All aspects of the Narachō shakyō deserve scholarly attention. It is thought that a large number of imported Buddhist scriptures (Hakusai butten) and Silla sutra copies (Shiragi shakyō) existed in the Nara period, and traces of these can be found throughout history. There is a high probability that Shiragi copies are among the extant copied sutras in Japan. A detailed survey and the compilation of evidence are necessary in order to distinguish these. Paper quality, writing styles, and decorative aspects will provide important hints for identifying Shiragi copies.
  • 2.

    Transmission and Preservation of Buddhist Sacred Texts in Japan - showing the example of Todai-ji Library

    橫內裕人 | 2011, (9) | pp.47~76 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    In Japanese temples, a multitude of Buddhist canons and sacred texts have been made and copied as the result of the monks' religious and academic activities. And even the small temples in the country, to say nothing of the big temples such as Todai-ji(東大寺), Kofuku-ji(興福寺), Enryaku-ji(延曆寺) and Koyasan(高野山) preserves a lot of texts now. In the case of Todai-ji, the collections of Sonsho-in(尊勝院), Tonan-in (東南院) and Kaidan-in(戒壇院) among many branch temples have been gathered and arranged in the Todai-ji library. In spite of the two times war conflagration in the Kamakura jidai and Sengoku jidai (Warring Countries Period) the library have managed to accumulate and preserve the sacred texts of the branch temples, which covers the 8 schools achievements. Though the sacred texts of Sonsho-in - present Shogozo(聖語藏, Sacred Words Storage Canons) - were offered to the royal family the Todai-ji library still have about 10 thousand sacred texts including some ancient texts and Sosho(宗性)’s and Gyonen(凝然)’s works, most of which have been passed down in the branch temples. Many of the texts had been designated as national heritages befoere and also recently in 2009 1,806 pieces consisting of 872 pieces of hand copy texts and 934 pieces of wood block print texts were named to ‘Todai-ji Sacred Texts’ and designated as a new national important heritage. The Nanbokucho jidai (South and North dynasties period) collection of Tonan-in which possesses 97 kinds of Buddhist texts in the form of 96 books and 225 foldings imported from Song China and Koryo dynasty shows even in the medieval times Todai-ji had continued to accommodate the new Buddhist thoughts in the continent. Some Uicheon editions(義天 版) belongs to it. Also the collection of the Sonsho-in which possesses a few Tang China texts and May 1st Tripitaka hand copied in Nara period shows Todai-ji had tried to receive and preserve the new texts and thoughts of continent from the Nara period. The collection also includes some Uicheon editions. The Todai-ji sacred texts which centers on Huayan and Sanlun but covers all the 8 school works are the essential texts which had supported the academic activities in the Todai-ji. It outstands other Nanto (Southern Capital) temples' libraries. The investigation on the Todai-ji library is still underway and now the texts which shows the details of Todai-ji Buddhist studies such as Rongisho(論議書, debate texts) are on the investigation. The Buddhist sacred texts in Japan have been created and copied following the religious activities in the temples. They have been stored and preserved up to now through the special efforts of many people. These sacred texts are the treasure house which holds valuable wisdom and experiences and can be used for many academic studies such as Buddhology, Buddhist history, Japanese, Japanese Literature and History. We have not only the privilege to use these heritages but also the duty to pass down them to the next generation by proper preservation and repairs. We hope the experience of Japan can be any help for the preservation of Korean sacred texts.
  • 3.

    About the Fascicles of the Scriptures in Shogozō at Shōsōin

    飯田剛彦 | 2011, (9) | pp.77~116 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    This article purports to present a synopsis of the Shōsōin, the treasures of the Shōsōin, and the fascicles of the scriptures in Shogozō in Shōsōin, explaining why the texts of Shōsōin, especially the fascicles of the scriptures in Shogozō are important resources for the study of ancient Buddhism. Shōsōin is not just a treasury of art pieces, storing many treasures with strong Buddhist characteristics and in relation with the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, for the restitution of the Buddhist space in the ancient Korean Peninsula, it is very helpful. The texts of the Shōsōin are valuable in that they suggest the actualities of copying scriptures in the ancient period. They are a great collection of texts made according to the process of copying scriptures under various projects of copying scriptures in the Nara period, clarifying the concrete aspects of the process of copying scriptures in that period. In addition, among the Buddhist resources at the Shōsōin office, there are the fascicles of the scriptures in Shogozō, which is distinguished from the general treasures of the Shōsōin. The scriptures of the Shogozō have been originally stored at the Sonshōin on top of the stupas in the Tōdaiji, mainly consisting of the Hakusaikyō (Buddhist scriptures carried by ships) from the Sui and Dang periods and the two major authorized versions of Buddhist scriptures in the Nara period, that are the Tempyō 12th year and the Shingokeiun 2nd year authorized scriptures, including about 5,000 fascicles of ancient manuscripts and printed scriptures. Although the Taishō Daizōkyō is used most generally for Buddhist textual studies, since it is based upon the Korean version of 12th-13th century, it is said to be unsatisfying for the purpose of tracing ancient Buddhist texts. For its correction, the fascicles of the scriptures in Shogozō are evaluated to be extremely important in that they include many ancient manuscripts. Besides, there are many extant Hakusho texts in them, which are unusually valuable for the study of the ancient Japanese linguistics. The fascicles of the scriptures in Shogozō, especially the Tempyō 12th year and Shōsōin manuscripts, are mutually in the relation of the actual extant manuscripts made in the Nara period and the texts for their production. Therefore, by the comparison of both, the process of their production and the efforts for the enhancement of their textual quality can be clarified, besides the fact that there may be a few cases where the characteristics of some texts and scriptures might be clarified by mutual comparison. Among the scriptures, there are some texts that might be from Silla dynasty. the fascicles of the Avatamsaka sutra from 72nd to 80th volumes, are suggested to be from Silla dynasty in their style of copying, while there are some opinions regarding the Brahmajāla Sutta in the treasury of the Shōsōin as sent to the Daibutzu of the Tōdaiji from Silla dynasty at the Tempyō 4th year. In short, the Shōsōin texts and the fascicles of the scriptures of the Shogozō are valuable for the study of ancient Silla Buddhism, while the Shōsōin texts are printed, made into photos, and catalogued, besides the digitalization of the fascicles of the scriptures of the Shogozō. There might be fruitful researches utilizing these resources.
  • 4.

    A status of saññā concept in the Eary Buddhist texts

    Kim Jun-ho | 2011, (9) | pp.119~142 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    This paper aims to explicate a standing of saññā concept in the Early Buddhist Texts. The meaning of saññā concept is known to perception, and it is included Pañca khandha, the five aggregates which arouse selfconsciousness. But it is appeared separate concept regardless of the Pañca khandha in the Early Buddhist Texts. So, I have noticed of the meaning of the saññā in this case, especially the meaning and property of saññā on the basis of the contents which would be in accord with the Pāli Canon and Chinese Agamas mutually. On the basis of contrastive analysis data, Pāli Canon and Chinese Agamas, the conclusion as follows two meaning. First, the saññā is the object which have eliminated in the mental activity. In this case, the saññā is negative concept, because it has arisen desire and obsession with ‘Ego’. But, there is no need to notice in this meaning, because it has formed similar result, in connection with the Pañca khandha. Secondly case is the pursuit of paññā(wisdom) by power of contemplation. Including anicca -saññā, anatta-saññā, asubha-saññā, the sañña is positive concept, because of the way to obtain the insight. In expression ‘sukhuma sacca saññā’, ‘abhisaññā-nirodha sampājana-samāpatti’ in the Poṭṭhapādasutta( DN.), it can be judged by inference, the saññā which is cleared and pured perception is the high goal of the meditation practice.
  • 5.

    On the interpretation of ekāyano mārgah - focusing on analyses and similes

    Youngjin LEE | 2011, (9) | pp.143~185 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    The scholars who are domestic and abroad as well have had a tendency to consider Catvāri upasthānāni to be ‘the only way’ to realize Nirvāṇa since the early Buddhism had begun to be studied. On the basis of this tendency, there would be the ‘ekāyana formula’, in which Catvāri upasthānāni is defined to be ‘ekāyano mārgah (Skt, ekāyano maggo : Pāli)’ that has been interpreted as the ‘only way’ by many scholars. However, this interpretation has denied since Gethin(2001: first ed. 1992) asserted that it cannot be understood to be the only way. Subsequently, Natier(2007) and Tse-fu(2008) strengthened Gethin’s assertion by suggesting it’s meaning as ‘unified or direct way’ and ‘a comprehensive way’ respectively. In this article, I tried to examine their interpretations of ‘ekāyano mārgah’ could be adjust to other traditions, especially to the Sarvāsativādins. Because, there are various kinds of interpretations of 一趣道, the translation of ‘ekāyano mārgah or ekāyanamārgah ’ by Xuanzang, in Mahāvibhāṣya and a short interpretation in Nyāyānusāra. To my knowledge, all the three scholars who has denied the possibility of interpretation of ‘the only way’ have resorted on the Buddhaghosa’s gloss on the ‘ekāyano maggo’ in which he clearly denied the possibility of its being interpreted as ‘only way’ by adding ‘does not functioned as a forked way (na dvedhāpathabhūto)’. Therefore, it needs to be examined whether their interpretations could be fit to Northern Abhidharma tradition and Mahāyana commentary tradition as well. The results of this examination are as follows: First, Sarvāstivādins accepted the possibility of its being interpreted as the ‘only way’ in Mahāvibhāṣya and Nyāyānusāra. However, according to Sarvāstivādins in Mahāvibhāṣya, the only way must be understood to be ‘āryamārgah’, not to be Catvāri upasthānāni alone. 37 Bodhipakṣyā dharmāh including Catvāri upasthānāni could be interpreted as ‘one way, i.e., the only way’ from the point of its function by which the practitioners can go to Nirvāṇa. In Nyāyānusāra, Saṅ- ghabhadra who thoughts a path that leads to [Nirvāna] (趣道: [nirvāṇa] ayanamārga) as prajñā that is svabhāvasmṛtyupasthānam also seems to have accepted the possibility of its being interpreted as ‘the only way’ on the basis of an idea that ‘the only way’ should refer to ‘the only best way among others that can destroy defilements and lead to the Nirvāna’. Second, Mahāyāna commentaries have different interpretations of ekāyanamārgah common to Buddhaghosa’s interpretation. For example, in Abhisamayālaṅkāra[kārikāśāstra]vṛtti, the commentary of 25,000 Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra by Ārya Vimuktiṣeṇa, there is a simile where Cittotpāda accompanied by ekāyanamārgah is compared to a stream of river. Here ekāyanamārgah seems to be interpreted as a ‘direct path’ because the steam of river implies to ‘that which flows to the goal without interruption’. In Akṣayamatinirdeśaṭīkā, ekāyanamārgah showing the overall meaning of Pratyekabuddhas implies to ‘the path to be traversed alone’ In conclusion, ‘ekāyano mārgah’ could be interpreted differently such as an ‘one way’, a ‘narrow path’, and a ‘path that leads to one’ according to its context. And the meaning of ‘one way’ could be divided into two. That is to say, a ‘not forked way’ as Buddhagosa suggests and the ‘only way’ as Sarvāstivādins show. But, the only way should be either that which consists of the 37 bodhipakṣyā dharmāh or prajñā which is the only best way among others.
  • 6.

    What is ‘Buddhism(佛敎)’ in the early Huayan school in East Asia? - with relation to Buddhavacana, Buddhaśāsana, Dharmadhātu and Myself

    Park, Boram | 2011, (9) | pp.186~218 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    This paper is to explore what is ‘Buddhism(佛敎)’ in the light of the early Huayan school in East Asia. ‘Buddhism’ can have diverse meanings according to historical or theoretical backgrounds but it can be said generally that ‘Buddhism’ has meant Buddhavacana which is Buddha’s speech, or Buddhaśāsana which refers to Buddha’s teaching in the East Asian Buddhist tradition. Thus discussions on the substance of ‘Buddhism’ have been produced in regard to Buddhavacana or Buddhaśāsana. Zhiyan(智儼, 602~668 C.E.) of the Huayan school in Tang dynasty made an acculturation in this duscussions on ‘Buddhism’. He established a new theory about the substance of ‘Buddhism’ by merging Buddha’sspeech with Buddha’s teaching and made it as one way of annotating sūtras. Then, Fazang(法藏, 643~712 C.E.) understood ‘Buddhism’, merged by Zhiyan as dharmadhātu. Due to this, ‘Buddhism’, getting out of the category of the doctrines which teach(能詮敎) or the meanings which are taught(所詮義), was expanded to dharmadhātu(法界). Before him, whatever ‘Buddhism’ is explained, it is speech or meaning but, as for him, ‘Buddhism’ which means Buddha’s speech and Buddha’s teaching is just dharmadhātu itself. Ŭisang(義湘, 625~702 C.E.), earlier than Fazang, explained ‘Buddhism’ which meant dharmadhātu in Fazang as one’s own body. However, it is not just rhetoric phrases which express the possibility of becoming a buddha. My own body which is Tathāgata as originally arisen is Buddha’s speech and Buddha’s teaching as well as dharmadhātu as it is. In Ŭisang’s Huayan doctrine, my each and every action and my single and every word are just Buddha’s teaching and Buddha’s speech and you cannot find dharmadhātu elsewhere.
  • 7.

    The System of Pītha in Hindu Tantra and its transformation into Vajrayāna Literature

    Bang Junglan | 2011, (9) | pp.219~246 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    The main academic aim of this paper is that the attempt to trace the evidence that Hindu tantra and Vajrayāna literature share the system and notion of sacred places, pīthas, especially through the textual comparison and editing texts. As several great scholars pointed out, one of the valuable sources which can be found more earlier original list of pīthas in Vajrayāna literature is the Hindu tantric text, the Tantrasadbhāva(hearafter TaSa), belongs to Śaiva Trika. The 16th chapter of the TaSa explains the list of sacred places Pīthas, where yoginīs abide and assemble or in further, a practitioner should be consider a certain part of body as a divine part. First of all, the notion of Pītha is related to the famous Daksa myth in Pūrāna literature such a Mahābhārata, even from the Śatapathabrāhmana to the kāvya Kumārasambhāva and so on. The story is briefly that Śiva and his wife Satī was insulted by her father Daksa, not invited them to the sacrifice. Then, Satī was exasperated and burned herself by yogic power. Having heard his wife’s dead, Siva becomes furious and killed deities being in Sacrifice including Dakṣa. And he started to dance to destroy the Universe with putting her body on his shoulder. In order to stop him, Viṣṇu entered into the dead body of Satī and spilt bit by bit into parts. It aimed to stop the destruction of Universe by Śiva. The places where pieces of Satīs dead body fell are said to have become Pīthas. Therefore, holy seats are regarded as female goddess’s abode and the place for union of yogins and yoginīs as if Śiva and Satī met again. In Vajrayāna literature, the myth is transformed and superimposed by buddhist own episode. The story summarized that twenty four pīthas stayed by Śiva and his retainers are captured by Buddhist samvara deities who are transformed from Samyaksambuddha in order to purify those place from the depravity. This is the new interpretation of the Pītha according to the perspective of Vajrayāna. We interestingly can find almost corresponding name of TaSa’s Pīthas in Vajrayāna literature, the Cakrasamvaratantra(hearafter CaSa). The 41st chapter of CaSa is named ‘Caturvimśaty-akṣara-mandala-vinyāsa-vidhipatala’. CaSa, the earlierst text of Samvara cycle, has a similar pīthas order to TaSa. But later texts of Samvara like the Saṃvarodayatantra(SaUd) show the reversed order of CaSa’s list of Pītha. Moreover, the Hevajratantra and its commentaries also attest similar pītha categories with Śaiva literature, but interpret them as dwelling places of Bodhisattvas including the daśābhūmi system. Through these examination through the comparison lists of pīthas in Hindu tantras and similar lists of it in Samvara Literature, I would like to shed a light on providing new materials for Tantric studies and evoking the interest of related topics.