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KAIST Boycott Affair has made us take the ethics related to military robots seriously. No one would deny that ‘killer robots’ should be banned. However, it is not crystal clear what the slogan “stop killer robots” implies for the development of autonomous weapon systems and their uses in warfare. Just as all soldiers are not merely killers, so are robots on the battlefield. Many ethical discussion on ‘killer robots’ hangs on the definition of wrongful killings in warfare since there might be ethically permissible acts of killing. In this article, I begin with an attempt to classify various kinds of military robots. Then, I diagnose the core ethical problems of using military robots by adopting just war theory. It is claimed that the operation of military robots can be justified only when it meets the principle of discrimination and the principle of proportionality. Finally, I argue that a new negotiation is needed on how to distribute the responsibilities to relevant groups before the uses of autonomous weapons.

People often make judgements and actions in violation of the logical rules, and those judgements and actions have been generally regarded as irrational. The Wason’s selection task designed by Wason, P. C. in 1966 is the representative psychological experiment revealing the ubiquity of these fallacy-judgements. The result of the experiment was interpreted as ‘People often make an error by the lack of learning or will.’ This explanation offers a hypothesis for irrational judgements and actions, but does not offer any satisfying explanation about why the phenomenon is widespread and why it shows some regular pattern. An alternative is a theory that “irrational” judgements and actions are heuristics as an inference rule, not a fallacy. This theory provides more compelling explanation and predictability than the existing interpretation. Unfortunately, however, it still cannot offer any consistent and convincing argument due to its limitations with respect to irrationality. Understanding judgements and actions violating logical rules not as fallacy but as heuristics and accurately explaining and predicting how the mind works requires an explanation based on context-dependent, domain-specific rationality rather than one based on ideal rationality. This paper will show the followings: (1) Answers to the Wason’s selection task are not fallacy but judgements following heuristics as an inference rule. (2) Heuristics, different to logical rules, can function as norms of judgements. (3) Therefore, the best interpretation of heuristics working on the Wason’s selection task is not an interpretation postulating only logical rules and probabilistic rules as rational norms, but an interpretation based on context-dependent, domain-specific 탈경계인문학TRANS-HUMANITIES 64 rationality norms. If the above arguments are proper, we can say that people who make a typical wrong answer to the Wason’s selection task do not commit an irrational fallacy but make a rational inference adequate to situations and contexts that they are in. Furthermore, it might be highly justified that a number of common fallacies in a daily life are heuristics based on bounded rationality.

The purpose of this paper is to look into the reasons behind a state’s’controls on individual’s migration and its control mechanism, based on the case study on Cambodia’s regulation on international marriage. This study took migration via international marriage as a form of migration. Marriage is often considered as the realm of private sphere, but it also belongs to the social realm because family created by marriage is the fundamental unity of a society. In addition, the tacit premise of marriage, which is an official cohabitation with a spouse, dictates that in case of international marriage one or both of the couple might immigrate to a different country. Therefore international marriage needs to be differentiated from the other forms of marriage and should be considered as a migration issue. In particular, the recent increase of international marriage of Asian women and their migration makes this social phenomenon, as one which goes beyond an individual’s private choice, and this condition prompts states to search for intervention measures. In 2008, Cambodian government banned arranged marriage by agencies and enacted the ‘Sub-Decree N.183 on Regulating Formalities and Procedures for Marriage between Cambodian Citizens and Foreigners.’ In 2011, the government even further toughened its regulation on international marriage, by adding eligibility clause in the decree for foreign males who would wish to wed Cambodian women, which stipulates that those males should meet certain requirements such as income level and age. These regulations could be interpreted as the state’s measure to prevent human trafficking in the form of international marriage, as were found in some cases, and to protect its nationals. However, this one element would not suffice to explain all aspects of the Cambodian government’s regulation on international marriage. Since the government’s announcement on measures to address international marriage issue, it had taken three years before the current policy took form and fully implemented, during which the policy direction has changed from a form of improving marriage registration procedure to state’s intervention in limiting eligibility of spouses. Therefore, this thesis looked into how the government came to acknowledge the need for the policy in the beginning and how polices have evolved in the form and contents, and what elements have affected the policy making process. The dependent variable in this study is the implementation of regulations on international marriage by Cambodian government, which has been affected by external, social, circumstantial and organizational factors. More specifically, these factors are categorized into pressure from international community, demographic-social structure, international marriage trend, and internal policy directions. The cases in this study have a distinguishing characteristic in the fact that, although the state controls the emigration of its nationals, the actual control targets foreigners who want to initiate the emigration, which can potentially cause diplomatic tension. This study points out that a state’s organizational attributes could limit the policy making process and its results. Most of females in home country who intend to marry different nationals assume they will immigrate to their spouses’ countries, and gaps in the policies can be complemented by enactment of regulations or rules in the counterpart’s country in the context of international relations. The regulation case in Cambodia has meaningful implications in policy making as emigration of Asian women via international marriage has emerged as a distinct form of migration, and many more their countries have experienced common issues stemmed from the migration, and have attempted similar ways of control.

The purpose of this study is to observe the significance of affected areas that appear in the early novels of Yi Chong-jun and their causes and aspects. The cause of their pain is found to be their original experiences of mental trauma. In particular, such original experiences are mainly connected to experiences and memories associated with the stare of others, especially that of their fathers. Such violence and exclusion produce feelings of shame and guilt and such shame and guilt are both the symptoms and causes of affected areas. I connected microscopic power of Michel Foucault with external power and surveillance Michel Foucault which produce feelings of shame and guilt in the characters appearing in the early novels of Yi Chong-jun. The first chapter of this article, with regard to the stare that become the causes of affected areas, divides surveillance and oppression into macroscopic focus that stems from others and microscopic internal focus that acts within the divided agent, and the latter was prescribed and examined to be another form of duplicated focus. The second chapter observed the self-effacement of the characters as a form of oblivion and pain to conceal their affected areas. The third chapter observed their efforts to recover their selves and their supported arousals, and lastly, the fourth chapter observed the meanings of boundaries surrounding wounds, affected areas and weaknesses, and the inner and outer parts of wounds through text analysis. To sum up, I examined the grounds and images that are the psychological form of Yi Chong-jun’s novels through the meanings and aspects of affected areas which appear in his early short stories. However, it is impossible to know where ‘the escaping me’ and ‘the finding me’ which repeatedly appear in his texts meet, and the only thing that could be known was that the process and journey of continuous question and answer finding, explorations of language, the writer’s (master artisan’s) sense of identity and the projection of writing as their own narration were working together as the fates of the characters and writer being interlocked. This study has significance in that it observed the part of that (trauma, original form) focusing on wounds, pain, and affected areas appearing in early short novels.