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2012, Vol.25, No.1

  • 1.

    Han River sightseeing and literary embodiment of Ming(明) dynasty's envoy

    Lee Gook Jin | 2012, 25(1) | pp.7~42 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    When Ming(明) dynasty's envoy stays in Hanyang(漢陽), it was important reception event that offer Han River sightseeing to them. At this process, Ming dynasty's envoy exchanges poem with Chosun(朝鮮) Dynasty's writter, and expressed view of Han River and individual excitement. Also, some Ming dynasty's envoy has written a book of travels after Han River sightseeing ends. When Ming dynasty's envoy has written a book of travels, they adhere to self-consciousness which did not lose duty of envoy, and expressed itinerary, beauty of scenery, and individual excitement of Han River sightseeing. Among them, Ye, gyeom((倪謙)'s Hangangyugi(漢江遊記) and Gi, sun(祁順))'s Hanganggi(漢江記) showed resected contents · formulaic composition · formulaic expression techniques. While, Hwa, chal(華察)'s Yuhanganggi(遊漢江記) and Wang, mong-yun(王夢尹)'s Hangangseonyudogi(漢江船遊圖記) showed free substance · irregular composition · active expression techniques. Specially, several works command antithesis(對偶法) and Jangbeop(章法) of Chinese verse elaborately, displayed high literary value as adding scenery delineation and emotion's expression. Also, Han, myung-hui(韓明澮) went as envoy in Ming dynasty, had received a name and a Gimun(記文) about Apgu-gazebo(狎鷗亭) from Ye, gyeom(倪謙). And had received poems about Apgujeong(狎鷗亭) from Ming dynasty's writers in next time envoy mission. Through this, he wished to improve authority about own and own Apgu-gazebo(狎鷗亭)'s name, Apgu-gazebo(狎鷗亭) situated to a famous place of Han River to Ming dynasty's envoy by these effort.
  • 2.

    Jecheonjeong(濟川亭), a Space of Party for Farewell, Meeting, and National Events

    DongJae Lee | 2012, 25(1) | pp.43~74 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This paper tries to clarify the status of Jecheonjeong in the cultural history by examining poems improvised at parties thrown as parts of national events and at farewell and meeting banquets held in Jecheonjeong, which was placed on the bank of River Han in Seoul. Jecheonjeong, a gazebo possessed by the royal family, which had been built on the bank of the Han River in the present Hannam-dong, Yongsan-gu, Seoul, was used as a space for events concerning the royal family, the entertainment of foreign diplomatic corps, meetings of bureaucrats, and farewell events when a bureaucrat moved to some non-central office or resigned to return his homeland. Despite Jecheonjeon’s well known status, there are justa small number of farewell poems improvised at private farewell parties thrown in this place. One of the reasons for this state of affairs would be that poets were not able to easily throw a farewell party in Jecheonjeong because it was a gazebo belonging to the royal family though the main reason was that places for farewell events mainly included river ports and forks. Gyehoe (契會 bureaucrats’regular meeting) was a gathering playing the role of pivot among administrative officers for their smooth performance and consolidation. Though Gyehoe was actively held in gazeboes on the banks of Han River, Jecheonjeong was far less popular than others because it was a place possessed by the royal family. Thus, among those poems composed at Gyehoe’s, only a few tookJecheonjeong as their setting or subject matter compared with other gazeboes, and the composers mainly consisted of bureaucrats in high positions. Jecheonjeong was used as a space of parties for envoys thrown by the royal family, and envoys themselves also made it a rule to enjoy banquets in this place. At such an occasion, diplomatic corps and accompanying literary men gave and took poems, which they regarded as a great affair. Furthermore, Jecheonjeong was used as a space of parties for consoling national elder statesmen, and Kings also threw parties staying temporarily when they went out of the capital city in order to look at people’s lives and check agricultural yielding. I will leave the classification of the amounts and contents of the poems improvised in this place, and abstract away their significance in the cultural history for future research.
  • 3.

    Maecheon Hwanghyeon's Seoul trip and his poetry

    Bae Jongsuk | 2012, 25(1) | pp.75~106 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Hwanghyeon liked to visit neighboring villages looking for respectable mentors from his youth. But as he grew up, he was no longer satisfied with the limited experiences in his secluded hometown Gwangyang in Jeonnam province. At last, Hwanghyeon in 20s moved to Seoul and hung around with famous scholars so that he could enlarge his experience. For 10 years in Seoul, Hwanghyeon could satisfied his thirst for knowledge by meeting various intellectuals, traveling Mt.Keumgang and Mt.Cheonma those he would never see in his hometown. There were, however, not only good things in Seoul. Hwanghyeon also watched misrule and corruptions of the Royal Court. Those made him to anger, to condemn and to go back to his home. What is clear is that Seoul trip was a turning point of Hwanghyeon's life. Since Hwanghyeon's learning had not been completed at that time, his life and values got critically affected by the experiences in Seoul This study, focused on Hwanghyeon's experiences in Seoul, has three parts distinguished into theme. First part of this study explains Hwanghyeon's inner idea with his poems written in his Seoul trip. Second part reviews the relationship between Hwanghyeon and intellectuals in Seoul. And homesick poems that he wrote as a stranger in Seoul are reviewed on the third part.
  • 4.

    A Contemplation on Life and Writings of Dogok Yi Ui-hyeon

    Shin,Youngju | 2012, 25(1) | pp.107~140 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Dogok Yi Ui-hyeon was born in a reputed noble family and became a representative person who succeeded the academic sector of Noron Nakron. In general, he was fully dedicated in introducing the knowledge information and writing poetry and essay with the focus on literature scholarly life rather than dreaming of political ambition as a bureaucrat to leave his legacy in academic and literature accomplishment. The study to this period on Dogok is almost always related to the theory of prose. His works were tracing down the theories on creative writing in prose and critiques to compose the actual organization of the history of prose theory in later part of Joseon. Under this writing, the scope of description is limited to the representation type of poetry and essay collection and life of Dogok. In the direction to provide useful information on the currently on-going commentary work of Dogok Collection, the life of Dogok is seen by dividing into terms and undertaken for description in the level of viewing the outline on the representative trend of the published Dogok Collection.
  • 5.

    Multi-layered Character of Dogok(陶谷) Lee Uihyon(李宜顯)’s Epitaph

    Kim, Woojeong | 2012, 25(1) | pp.141~175 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    Dogok Lee Uihyon(1669~1745) is a civil minister during the reign of Sukjeong~Yeongjo and is a writer who played a major role in strengthening and spreading the logic of the ancient writings of Tang-Sung Period after Kim, Changhyup(1651~1708). This aspect is well shown in epitaphs approaching 200. Writing an epitaph means to be recognized as the first class writer of the age. Also, it is also attractive in terms of being able to hand the history not covered in official history down to posterity. Thus, a writer of an epitaph not only shows off his writing skills but tries to convey only objective facts from the perspective of a historiographer. However, the various factors are involved in the writing process such as the relationship between an owner of tomb and requester, political dynamics, difference of ideological⋅academic views and as a result, it takes on several multi-layered nature different from general prose. Lee Uihyon made every possible effort to avoid the alleged flattery, the inherent problem of an epitaph and contain the virtue of reputation or character. For this reason, contents or expressions were modified in consultation with a requester and people around putting aside personal tastes and if collective interests conflicted, quite subjective and exclusionary attitudes were shown. On the other hand, however, the limitations of the genre were overcome by boldly employing the narrative structure to improve the representation of a character and the literally notable features are shown such as using it as a means of practical criticism on Ming’s restorative school.
  • 6.

    A Study of "YuGeumgangsangi" By Dogok Leeuihyeon

    Jihun Yoon | 2012, 25(1) | pp.177~199 | number of Cited : 9
    Abstract PDF
    There is "YuGeumgangsangi", a Geumgangsan yugi by Leeuihyeon, which this study is on. This found that his work "YuGeumgangsangi", a kind of travel essay about during 12days from Sep. 1-12, 1709 when he traveled throughout Geugangsan, was written after the trip. It followed a traditional style of Sansu Yugi, adopting certain parts from the style in the late Choseon. He described the real view along the journey by the route as it was and tried to comment on the landscape partly. Also, his work have more records of geography and culture of Geumgangsan than other ones, which shows that he used to record, collect and arrange some materials and that he emphasized literature involved in the effective value on educational campaign and with dào(道). In a word, "YuGeumgangsangi" by Leeuihyeon has various humanistic informations and the real description of nature.
  • 7.

    Do-gok Uy-hyun Lee's Theory of Defending Neo-Confucianism

    Jeon, Byoung-Ok | 2012, 25(1) | pp.201~224 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This article deals with Do-Gok Uy-hyun Lee(1669-1745)'s theory of defending Neo-Confucianism. Do-gok was a key figure representing Noron(老論) in politics, as well as a quite literary stylist in Tang-Song Gomunpa(唐宋古文派) in his era. Although he was not a leader of his party-Noron Nakron, Do-gok made an avowal of Noron's Uyli(義理) by writing numerous Shindaobimyoung(神道碑銘), Myozimyoung(墓誌銘), and the like, which contained his evaluation of Noron's leading figures of the time. In his literary writing, he wrote both verse and prose evenly, but more importantly, he mostly wrote Manshi(輓詩) and Biziliu(碑誌類), which dealt with Noron's figures. He asserted that Zhuziwenzi(朱子文集) should be treated as a paragon in literature, and thus faithfully represented Noron's standpoint which rated Zhuzi(朱子) more highly than that of shaoron(少論). The existing research of Do-gok tends to focus on his literary theory, shedding light on that he openly ranged over an extensive writing styles while he succeeded to Zhuzi's literary theory. According to these researches, it is considered that he acknowledged the merit of Mun(文) independently, while he tried to reconcile Dao(道) with Mun. In this context, some researchers claimed that the characteristic of Do-gok's literary theory is his effort to reconcile Dao with Mun, whereas others maintained that these two elements-his acknowledgement of independent merit of 文 and his attempt to reconcile Dao with Mun-were combined contradictorily. Despite this difference, they generally see Zhuzi's literary theory as the essential feature of Do-gok's theory. That is, basically, Do-gok's literary theory, having extensive openness, was based on Zhuzi's theory. However, I believe that the starting point of Do-gok's literary theory was not that of Zhuzi. Rather, he mainly read irrelevant text books to Dao such as Hanshu(漢書), Zhuangzi(莊子), and the like, when he started to take his literary training. He cultivated his literary ability through these books, not through SiShu-SanJing(四書三經), or Zhuzi's other works. Although it is true that Do-gok referred to Zhuzi-Daquan(朱子大全) as the basic, indispensible source of sentences, it does not mean that he took his literary training through Zhuzi-Daquan. Instead, I think, it only shows his regret late in his life, which he was misguided with his literary training. Do-gok maintained that Zhuzixue(朱子學) must be protected from attacks of heresy, but it is not because he thoroughly studied Zhuzi's theory, but because he strongly intended to defend Noron's Uyli(義理) in politics. In other words, he did not consider Zhuzi's philosophy or literary theory as perfect ones theoretically as well as aesthetically. In brief, the primary characteristic of Do-gok's literary theory is that he tried to represent Noron's Uyli by his sentences and literary theory.
  • 8.

    Poetics on the Acceptance Phase of Du-Fu’s Poetry in Ungok Won Cheonseok

    Kim, Geun-tai | 2012, 25(1) | pp.225~251 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This study examines on the Acceptance Phase of Du-Fu’s Poetry in Ungok Won Cheonseok with an assumption that the origin of his poetry world resides in Du-Fu. In external aspect, he materialized an experimental mind by using various forms of poetry as Du-Fu did that, and enjoyed having a great command of exception using antithesis in the first stanza of style of chinese verse. In the contents, he used argument which is one of the techniques of prose to express clearly theme of poem. This shows that, to write outstanding poems, it must possess academic capability as well as poetic talent. In addition, this study considers Ungok’s poetic ethos through his poems documenting realistically political scenes and sufferings, joys and sorrows of the people in the end of the Koryo Dynasty and early Chosun Dynasty, which accept Du-Fu’s creative soul of critical realism relating back to the poetic ethos of the book of odes(詩經). Finally, it finds out Ungok followed a gusto of new and fresh, or cheongsin(淸新) among the Du-Fu’s many poetical styles and wrote pleasantly poems feeling some fresh, creative and limpid. As the existing poems, Ungok is one of the big three poets of the Koryo Dynasty in terms of quantitative, not to mention qualitative, and therefore further studies should be conducted into giving greater prominence to his appearance as a poet by a comprehensive survey.
  • 9.

    The affect and meaning expressed in the works of exile by MaeGye(梅溪) JohUi(曺偉)

    Kim Jin Kyung | 2012, 25(1) | pp.253~279 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    MaeGye JohUi(1454~1503) was a member of the new scholar group in the SeongJong dynasty. He achieved fame due to his fine literature and became an active politician in the central political arena. However, he was exiled because he was accused in the Muo-Sahwa in the charge on his editing the collection of his teacher Jeompiljae's works. While he lived at a place of exile, his ardent patriotic sentiment made him get sick and die. At that time, being forced into exile meant the frustration of a will to realize their ideal in the political reality. Under such a situation, it is natural for their works to contain desperate emotion of frustrated individuals. Therefore, close examination of the affect expressed in MaeGye's works in the period of his exile may provide a solid base for sound and fair understanding of his life and purpose. In order to fully understand MaeGye JohUi's life and purpose, the present study attempted to identify the affect expressed in his works during his exile. In addition, the present study aimed at providing a foundation for a better understanding of the life and literary world of Early Neo-Confucian Literati through the examination of MaeGye JohUi's life and purpose. MaeGye tried to abstain from mentioning on current political events during the 5 years of exile. Thus, most of his works written during the exile expressed his depressed feelings resulted from the forced separation from the world rather than critical comments on political events or social conditions. However, his other works expressed his will to lead a life of man of virtue in accordance with the mandate of Heaven even under such extreme circumstances as exile. Through his works, we can recognize his aspect not only as an exile but also as a Confucian scholar who tried hard to fulfill the Confucian duties. And this is the reason why MaeGye's works of exile matters. Further discussion will be needed to elaborate unique characteristics of the affect and purpose from MaeGye's works of exile in comparison with those of his comtemporary scholars. In turn, it would be able to pave the way for better understanding of his humane qualities and literary world. Furthermore, it is expected to assist in examining various characteristics of the new literati of the time from a more specific and comprehensive perspective.
  • 10.

    Images of the 15th Century's Bureaucrats in Jo Wi's Poems and Their Implications

    KIM Chang Ho | 2012, 25(1) | pp.281~303 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this article is to examine images of the 15th century's bureaucrats in Jo Wi's poems, and what implications they have with changes of zeitgeist in the early Joseon period. There were two bases of the formation of Jo's images of bureaucrats. One is his brother-in-law and teacher, Kim Jong-jik, who woke up Jo about the importance of the exploration and practice of the radical ideologies of Confucianism, and expected him to open a new age on the basis of such an ideological orientation. The other is his uncle (his father's cousin) Jo Seok-mun, who got Jo Wi to recognize himself as a member of a Hungu family in capital society, and helped him to be equipped with capital-cultural features in his early days. The ‘images of bureaucrats’ not only meant ideal points toward which officials who assisted the king and govern people should be oriented, but also directly refer to directions in which they disciplined themselves and established their practice on the ground of the evaluation of the times. Jo's images of bureaucrats can be summarized generally in two dimensions. In one dimension, they are ‘officials assisting the lord in the reign of peace’ in the days of King Seongjong, which the poet himself regarded as the reign of peace. This was a reflection of his confidence in the times or optimistic thoughts, and the officials in those images appeared to vow to fulfill their responsibilities in keeping the time of prosperity. In the other dimension related with neo-bureaucratic consciousness, they were ‘officials maintaining morality on the basis of self-regulation.’ In particular, they put priority on public welfare, and were willing to criticize political situations at that time. The parallelism between the two images of bureaucrats in Jo Wi's poems well reflect the aspects of the middle and late 15th century, in which politics, scholarship, and power began to move from Hungu to Sarim. This can be accounted for on the side of changes of zeitgeist.
  • 11.

    A Study on Maegye Jowi’s Travel Literature

    LEE SOUNG HYUNG | 2012, 25(1) | pp.305~347 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    This article aims to consider the works about traveling contained in the collection of Maegye (梅溪) Jowi (曺偉) (1454~1503) and examine the features and characteristics of Maegye’s travel literature. First of all, this study considered the naming of Yeonhaengrok and works about traveling through historical investigation on 「Yeonhaengrok」 based on the period of traveling, process of traveling, and the period of social intercourse, etc. Among the existing works of 54 Je (題) 73 Su (首) contained in 「Yeonhaengrok」, the works of 31 Je (題) 41 Su (首) were classified as the ones dealing with traveling. Also, to consider the characteristics of travel literature, this paper classified Jeungbeolsi (贈別詩) works of 5 Je (題) 5 su (首) and Hong Gwi Dal’s work of Zengxulei prose as the works of traveling. Yeonhaengsi’s world of works was examined largely in the following divisions: ‘admiration of the pleasure in the process of tourism and nostalgia’, ‘encouragement and respect regarding the persons of social intercourse’, and ‘sad emotion and lessons from old history at the historic sites’. First of all, in the world of works dealing with ‘admiration of the pleasure in the process of tourism and nostalgia’, Maegye wrote Jeungbeolsi for this coworkers who were about to travel to express his passion to create novel works and expectation for the tourism. And during traveling, when he encountered something exotic, he expressed the emotion of admiration. Also, when he passed by a prosperous city, he felt Ming (明) as China. Yet, once facing difficulty in the process of a long journey, he showed his humane aspects as well not hiding his nostalgia. Second, this study examined the works expressing the perspectives of ‘encouragement and respect regarding the persons of social intercourse’. Maegye also recommended the persons of social intercourse to take the tourism of exoticness as a chance to write a new poem. This viewpoint shows his consciousness of Munijaedoron (文以載道論). Also, for the figure of his social intercourse in Peking, he expressed respect for his character and knowledge. Yet, for the specific situation of diplomacy, he tended to be very consistent with compliment and respect in terms of his poetry’s topics and contents. Third, this study considered the aspects of Maegye’s historic consciousness through the works expressing ‘sad emotion and lessons from old history at the historic sites’. Maegye’s evaluation on Qinshihuangdi is quite contrary. He had such rational historic consciousness about Qinshihuangdi’s desert. Particularly, his positive evaluation on the Great Wall of China seems to have been affected by not only the utility of Kameralismus and the symbol of advanced culture but the periodic situation that the wall was built until the latter period of Ming complexly. We can see that he did recalling and showed admiration at the historic sites. As passing by the relics or historic sites, Maegye did not simply do recalling or show admiration but tried to get impressions through Ongojisin (溫故知新) and Jeoncheolbuldap (前轍不踏) by recognizing and reevaluating history critically. Regarding the literary significance of Maegye’s travel literature, first, we can see that Yeonhaengsi (燕行詩) was influenced greatly by Sosik (蘇軾) or Gangseosi School (江西詩派). The form of Chinese poetry mostly adopted was Chileonyulsi, and in terms of rhetoric, Yongjeon (用典) or Hwangoltaltae Method (換骨奪胎法) was often taken. Next, Maegye’s Yeonhaengsi pursued the world of lyrical works centering around Chileonyulsi and showed positive social intercourse.
  • 12.

    Leehang’s SA-BU Literature

    sungsu kim | 2012, 25(1) | pp.349~378 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    In the history of Korean literature written in Chinese character, Leehang is the figure who should receive due attention since he is the one who has left the largest number of SABU work and led the Gwangak literature (literature written by government officials). However, not many studies have done about him, which is not readily comprehensible. Though it is difficult to say some work is better than others, evaluation is somewhat important. Leehang’s 62 work shows his own world of literature that cannot be easily copied by other SABU writers and that is why we need to have deeper understanding about him. This study aims to enhance overall understanding on Leehang’s SABU literature. From his SABU work, it can be said Leehang was thorough confucianist, Gwangak writer and realist as well as humanist. For lack of space, vast amount of information can not be discussed here and that is the limit of this paper. I believe other aspects of his work including literary structure can be dealt with next time.
  • 13.

    A Consideration on Gijae Shin Gwanghan’s Inner World

    Son Yoo Kyung | 2012, 25(1) | pp.379~417 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    Gijae Shin Gwanghan (企齋 申光漢1484--1555) is one of the most representative writers during the reign of King Joongjong in the sixteenth century. Under the literary influence of Shin Sookju(申叔舟), his grandfather, he had a deep understanding of classics and became a participatory intellectual with radical ideas through exchanges with Sarim(士林) including Jo Gwangjo(趙光祖). However, he was impeached and demoted to the Sheriff of Samcheok with the breakout of the Third Literati Purge of 1519 (Gimyo Sahwa(己卯士禍)) and was dismissed from office in the following year. Losing his political base, Shin Gwanghan kept a low profile in Yeoheung(驪興) for 15 years. This study associates Shin Gwanghan’s literacy works with the areas he resided in. The geographical locations and natural environment are always reflected in a writer’s literary world to some extent; especially to Shin Gwangahan, Yeoheung in Gyeonggi-do and Samcheok in Kangwon-do are more than significant. These two places are similar in that the writer resided in frustration and he made a progress in his literature. This study focuses on the effect of Yeoheung in Gyeonggi-do on Shin Gwanghan and his works. Fist of all, the study examines the reasons he came to live in Yeoheung in Gyeonggi-do from the point of view of his attempt to return to the political world and form a local power group, and then it addresses his poems written while he was based in Yeoheung. It is difficult to say that this study that analyzes only Gijae Shin Gwanghan’s case encompasses the wholr group of literary scholars who were made to reside in Gyeonggi-do area in the sixteenth century. Nevertheless, a geographical approach to Sarim literature during this period sheds a light not only on Shin Gwanghan’s inner world but also on his contemporaries’ despite the lack of materials in order to understand the inner world of the group of literary scholars who shared the same pain, lived in the same area and at the same time.
  • 14.

    A Study on Nonseosi(論書詩:Discussible Poetry) by Lee Baek and Du Bo

    Lee Gi Bum | 2012, 25(1) | pp.419~457 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    Early in Chinese culture, the handwriting has been coexisted the functional aspect as saying of delivering a record by simply transcribing a character, and the artistic aspect on how beautifully a character will be expressed. As the narrative culture is created by being invented writing brush in ancient times, these things of either historical documentaries or literary works have been recorded by description in a writing brush. A professional calligrapher appeared while calligraphy in the Han Dynasty(漢代) was recognized as art. Thus, an effort for expressing a record in this character more artistically was begun. In the meantime, calligraphy is art that has character as medium. Thus, even the contents of sentence, which becomes the subject of description, have great influence upon calligraphy of Seosaja(書寫者:calligrapher for the painting). A case of poem even among those literary works is nearly consistent with calligraphy in writing its sentiment through sympathy between any object and writer, thereby having many points of being conformed even out of other genres. In the Tang Dynasty, a poem was the most important literary expression. Thus, what composes a poem and writes such inspiration as calligraphic work was the general culture in the Tang Dynasty, which had been come down from many generations. There is great suggestion in a sense that the so-called calligraphy in the contemporary writers at that time is a method of directly transcribing sentence that they composed. At that time of having composed poem, almost all the parts need to be recorded with relying upon handwriting. At that time of needing to appreciate poem with first seeing the handwriting, a character first jumps to the eyes rather than the contents of poem. Thus, sentiment, which is delivered from handwriting, is very important. And when such sentiment is well harmonized with the contents of poem, the inspiration is doubled along with the contents of poem as for a person who appreciates a poem. Due to these factors, the famous poets at that time are joining the line of creating Nonseosi(論書詩:Discussible Poetry). Lee Baek(李白) and Du Bo(杜甫) who had been great poets were not exceptional, too. Trying to divide 17 Su(首:piece)s of poetry, which had been left by Lee Baek and Du Bo, into form and content, one model was formally made on Nonseosi in future generations. Their Nonseosi could be divided comprehensively into first, a poem of having criticized handwriting, second, a poem of having depicted formative beauty in handwriting, third, a poem of having depicted achievement of Seoga(書家), and fourth, a poem of having become the beginning of Nonseo-Jeolgu(論書絶句). A poem of having criticized handwriting was represented by Lee Baek's 「Wangugun(王右軍)」. A poem of having depicted the formal beauty in handwriting was made an example by Lee Baek's「Choseogahaeng(草書歌行)」and Du Bo's「Ijopalbunsojeonga(李潮八分小篆歌)」. Also, what a poem with 8 Su(首:piece)s of corresponding to a half conforms to this is the phenomenon of well reflecting the contemporary calligraphic style, and is also what was shown their tendency of trying to pursue the essence of Seo(書:writing) through beauty of handwriting. A poem of having sung the achievement of Seoga(書家) was represented by a work of Lee Baek's 「Songhabingaekgwiwol(送賀賓客歸越)」. A poem of having become the beginning of Nonseo-Jeolgu(論書絶句) was Du Bo's「Huiwiyukjeol(戲爲六絶)」. Their aesthetic thoughts, which were shown in Nonseosi(論書詩) as the contextual classification, include Sugyeongmi(瘦硬美), Tongshinmi(通神美), and Sanggomi(尙古美). Sugyeongmi(瘦硬美) is what Du Bo embodied a concept of ‘Golryeok(骨力)’ or ‘Golgi(骨氣),' which had been come down from the ancient times as his own. What handwriting in Tongshinmi needs to be made 'Shin(神:divine)' was the common aesthetic thought that had been possessed by Lee Baek and Du Bo. Sanggomi(尙古美) is also Sango that is based on the inconsistency with ego ideal in political dissatisfaction of reality. Lee Baek pursued Wang Hui-ji. Du Bo respected Jeonye(篆隸). In light of the above, Lee Baek's Nonseosi(論書詩) became the standard mainly in the formal aspect. Du Bo's Nonseosi(論書詩) can be known to have become the standard in the contextual aspect. Haksija(學詩者)s had their poetry as an example. Thus, their Nonseosi(論書詩) had become an example for generations since then. It became an opportunity that Nonseosi(論書詩) revives greatly once again with reaching the Sosik(蘇軾) in the Song Dynasty.
  • 15.

    A research of the Theory of Human Nature in the view of “The Unity of Nature and Man” and “Bioethics” in Zhang Zai's Philosophy

    Ham Hyun-Chan | 2012, 25(1) | pp.459~494 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    Research purpose of this treatise is thing to recognize role of Zhang Zai's Philosophy in Environmental problems and the problems of Biotechnology that is risen today. These days, Environmental problems under the industrial civilization are the value crisis in human inside rathet then outside problem. Accordingly, in order to solve Environmental problems he problems of Biotechnology, I thought the essetial approach can be founded in Zhang Zai's Philosophy. The philosophical thought of Zhang Zai is the learning that makes the virtue of nature exist in human nature by making human and heaven related internally by emphasizing the nature of ethics of human and on the other hand it is the principle aiming to secure the world order that harmonizes and maintains the relation between human and human, human and human social nation, and human and nature. Therefore we will be able to understand the whole universe as one harmonized community that surrounds human by expanding the view of nature of Zhang Zai. If 20th century has been the age centered by materialistic or uniformed view of nature, 21th century requires such harmonized view of nature. Therefore the view of nature of Zhang Zai which is organic and harmonized would be able to provide great effect of thought in forming new view of nature in new 21th century, and it is expected that his view of nature would be really necessary learning in realizing the ideality of 21th century.
  • 16.

    Chinese Characters Education utilizing Results of Characters Sources Studies

    Yang, won seok | 2012, 25(1) | pp.495~514 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    This paper is intended to propose a method for Chinese characters education utilizing results of characters sources studies. That is, this paper aims to propose Chinese characters education utilizing mostly the original meanings contained in characters sources, accepting existing study results. The methods proposed in this paper are as follows. First, selection of typical characters types of ancient characters; Second, selection of typical interpretations of characters sources; Third, classification the original meanings characters sources include; and Fourth, manufacture of the model that can be directly used for Chinese characters education. For example, through review of the main meanings of sources of Chinese characters, it is possible to find the Chinese characters ‘民, 臣’ related to the original meaning of 'slave', ‘敎, 改’ related to 'education', ‘貝, 朋’ related to 'currency', ‘高, 京, 門’ related to 'building', ‘豆, 鼎, 斗’ related to 'articles', etc. In addition, for those characters can be directly utilized for Chinese characters education, a model is manufactured that proposes an interpretations of illustrations, types of ancient characters, interpretations of original meanings contained in characters sources, explanations of the meanings presently used, etc. by each Chinese character. The resulting products could be usefully used for Chinese characters education. Also, it could be utilized in publishing a Chinese character textbook or study material, and be applicable variously in producing cultural contents recently attracting public attention.