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Life of Manjeon-dang Hong Ga-sin has been a series of hardships and frustrations. He was not only at the center of political turmoil that was characterized by Literati Purge of 1589, Imjin-Jeongyu Waeran of 1592~1598, and the Rebellion of Lee Mong-hak, he also suffered greatly from poverty and poor health. Nevertheless, while enduring all the hardships in his official and private capacity, he left behind an exemplary record as an innovative administrator, a leader in the activities of righteous army during Japanese invasion, and in pacification of the Rebellion of Lee Mong-hak. An illumination of his life track will make it readily available what he wanted to pursue throughout his life. In a reading of Man-jeon Jib --literary collections of his writings— and the Annal of King Seon-jo, one cannot fail to discover traces of his honesty, integrity, and patriotism, and from the poems and literary essays he left behind, one can easily grasp his orientation of life, a genuine desire to return to nature, a thirst for Confucian learning, and patriotism that drove his official and private life. What follows is the result of an analysis of his life track and orientation of his life based on available historical writings and his literary works: First, with regard to his life track, 1) Manjeon-dang inherited the legacy of Neo-Confucian learning that was transmitted from Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok to Seupjeong Min Soon, 2) His uprightness based on honesty is expressed in a series of his official and private actions, 3) His entire life was characterized by integrity, and this quality is nowhere better illustrated than in his career as an innovative administrator. 4) His patriotism is revealed in a series of actions he has taken on such occasions as Literati Purge of 1589, Imjin Waeran, and the Rebellion of Lee Mong-hak. Second, his orientation in life is revealed eloquently through his poems and literary essays as follows: 1) He always entertained his desire to return to nature while serving the country as an official, 2) His thirst for Neo-Confucian learning bordered on the realm of ju-jeong (‘emphasizing tranquility’), 3) His loyalty to the King is nowhere better illustrated than in his forthright or straight statement. As can be seem from the above examples, Manjeon-dang’s honesty, integrity, forthrightness, longing for homecoming, quest for Neo-Confucian truth, and patriotism were based on genuine unselfishness, and the meaning of this spirit can be grasped from the perspective of tranquility that was transmitted from Hwadam and Seupjeong. In this sense, his entire life can be regarded as grounded on a practice of tranquility principle (ju-jeong).

Manjeondang[晩全堂] Hong Ga-shin(1541년~1615년) was a scholar and politician that was active during the reign of King Seonjo[宣祖]. In his lifetime, he witnessed the impoverishment of people's life after the collapse of all the institutions and disciplines starting with exploitative tax collection, the paralysis of government's functions due to Imjinwaeran[壬辰倭亂], and the devastation of entire land in the era of great confusion. It was desperately needed to stabilize the livelihoods of people by setting the deconstructed institutions and disciplines right and put in special countermeasures and efforts to revive the nation. Manjeondang served as a local official for many years, having profound contemplations over practical solutions to overcome the contradictions of the times, stabilize the livelihoods of people, and revive the nation, putting them into practice, and proposing alternatives actively at every chance, which is demonstrated in his three appeals to King Seonjo, which were "Minpyeso[民弊疏]", "Jeoktoihubongsa[賊退後封事]" and "Eunggueonbongsa[應求言封事]" His appeals give some hints about his perceptions of reality and governing thoughts in their overall aspects. The aspects of his governing thoughts include the followings: first, he insisted that the government should seek after the stabilization of people's livelihoods by improving the exploitative taxation system based on his belief in the thought of politics for the people and be careful with punishment based on respect for life. Secondly, he demanded that the monarch should establish morality through Sushin[修身] based on the ideology of the doctrine of governing the people with virtue and accordingly be fair and just to deal with everything. Finally, he argued that the monarch should refrain from dogmatic operation of state affairs based on people-centered thought, open a communication channel for his subjects, and thus embrace various opinions to run the affairs of state. In addition, he proposed important plans to improve the politics of the times, including increasing the professionalism and accountability of all government officials, establishing the social discipline by imposing strict punishment on Jangri[贓吏] and being fair with reward and punishment, and establishing military administration by recruiting able commanders and granting full authority to them. Those findings indicate that Manjeondang maintained his governing ideology of setting a political goal of the thought of politics for the people based on Confucian political ideas and pursuing the ideals of people-centered thought through the doctrine of governing the people with virtue. Based on them, he was active with proposing specific political reform plans urgently needed to correct the contradictions of the times and implement the great works of stabilizing the livelihoods of people and reviving the nation as a realistic and practical administrator.

This paper is a study on the Dugok(杜谷) Hong u-jeong(洪宇定;1593~1654)’s seclusion and the world of literature. He began to show outstanding ability literature and Confucian texts in his childhood. He was a man of promise. But his dream is to be a factional fighting was foiled in the gate. He had been imprisoned down there for years. He then gave up the bureaucratic dream. Hong Taiji invaded Joseon again from December 1636 to January 1637 (the Second Manchu Invasion). This war is known as the Second Manchu Invasion, or “Byungjahoran(丙子胡亂)” in Korean. The war displaced the whole family to the Bonghwa-gun(奉化郡) Munsu-san(文殊山). After the war, the refugees sent home. But Hong u-jeong was charmed by the scene in that Munsu-san Du-gok(杜谷) stayed the same. Chongzhen Emperor's servant(崇禎處士) he is against the Qing Dynasty when the Qing Dynasty and perish is Ming went into the sequestered ourselves we advocate. At that time, meanings such as so-called TaebaekOhyeon(太白五賢) said they were reclusive people. They are poetry and whiled away the sequestered ourselves to keep company with tough sentence. He left a lot of poetry and prose by life in seclusion. His poetry and prose in patriotism and filial affection and allegedly contains bitter about life and thought his hometown. His poetry and prose, Tao Yuanming and Tang Lee Tae-baek and Du Fu and hiding the losing country, including poets of ancient China's wander and pain has been copied. What he poetry and prose is full of other implications and Landscape scenery and lyric of retirement. He was a national hero. He ranges with the great writers.

Poetry and prose of Dugok Hong Woo-jeong is strong, unique and powerful. Especially, it is a literary artist who is evaluated as excellent in poetry. He did not pay attention to the law of poetry, and said that he did not decorate it gorgeously. Then he said, “There are few poets since Dubo, Who will succeed after millennia?” He wanted to be a successor to the duo. Hong Kyung-Shin(洪慶臣) had read his poetry and praised his knees. “It is a place that can not go by the power of man” Cho Guk-bin(趙國賓) was also amazed. “It is the skill to preserve the country.” We can see that his poetry is at an excellent level. There may be various evaluations of the level of poetry achieved by Dugok. However, it is clear that his poetry made the world poets surprised. This paper has examined the life of Dugok. Then I looked at his unique poems. In particular, analyzed a few poems that were created during the time when they were exiled to the Cheonan.

This study analyzes the aspects of literary acceptance and variation focusing on bouts-rimes(和韻詩) which were composed by Lee Haeng(李荇) and Jo Jong-jin(趙琮鎭) based on 50 poems of Zhuzi(朱子)`s 「Namakchangsusi(南嶽唱酬詩)」. The results of analysis are summarized as follows. In the way of rime riche of classical chinese verse, Zhuzi made rhymes using ‘Tong-Un(通韻)’ in the first phrase. Lee Haeng and Jo Jong-jin accepted that method and used it as a rhyming word(韻字) in the first phrase of their works. In some cases, however, the rhyming word used in the original poems of Zhuzi was not applied. Lee Haeng and Jo Jong-jin mainly changed the rhyming word of the last phrase into different one with same rhyme group(韻目). This is the embodiment of differentiation of subject consciousness through the variation of rhyming word. The differentiation of subject consciousness can also be seen in the poems which were written in the original rhyming word(原韻). Lee Haeng and Jo Jong-jin accepted the subject consciousness contained in Zhuzi's original poems, but made some variation with their own allegory(寓意) and expression of intention(言志). At the same time, Lee Haeng and Jo Jong-jin compared their minds to the scenery of the season(景物), borrowed from authentic precedents(典故) and transfigured intensively them, and stated disputation(議論) by expressing their emotion sincerely in order to highlight the subject of their poems. In the case of ancient poems, they embraced and varied the prose grammar, reduplication(重字) and circle phrase(連環句) which were used in the poems of Zhuzi, and then embodied their own individuality and subject consciousness. In particular, Jo Jong-jin's work has literary value and shows his excellent poetic talent; he tried to make circle phrase with two letters ‘山’ and ‘詩’ which were from important concepts that three of them shared beyond time and space: mountain climbing(山行) and versification(作詩). In conclusion, Lee Haeng and Jo Jong-jin not only accepted and varied the rhythm, formality and content of the poems by Zhuzi, but also internalized those things into their literary value deviating from simple imitation.

This article examines the characteristics of Baekje history related poems in Korea’s Yeongsaakbu, and then the writers’ recognition of Baekje history. First of all, the characteristics of Baekje history related pomes are examined. Yeongsaakbu, published in the late Joseon period, is also known differently as Haedongakbu, Donggukakbu, Gidongakbu etc. but contains pomes that reinterpret records in Korean history books. Of those poems published in Yeongsaakbu, 38 are Baekje history related while 41 Goguryeo history related and 313 Silla history related. Thus, the poems with Baekje history related subject matters are just 1/8 as many as those with Silla history related matters. On the other hand, as for the themes of the poems, 7 have events related to the foundation of Baekje as theirthemes, 19 are related to the fall of Baekje, and 8 praise and censure Baekje history related figures. They thought that Baekje Restoration Movement failed as Bok Sin caused internal quarrels for his individual desires. Also, they criticized Buyeo Yung as a parasite who lacked the will to restore the sovereignty though he was the crown prince but only paid attention to his own comfort. The reason why Yeongsaakbu has a small amount of Baekje history related contents is that the poets did not have enough knowledge and experiences aboutfolktales, inherited culture, songs etc. related to Baekje history. Thus, their Baekje history related recognition is similar to Samguksagi editor Kim Busik’s and Samgukyusa writer Ilyeon’s in Goreyo. Then, this paper examines the recognition of Baekje history. First, the poets in Yeongsaakbu revealed negative recognition of Onjo’s foundation of Baekje. That is, they thought the fact that Onjo terminated Mahan even though Gijun, the King of Mahan, showed enough mercy to him to give him lands to live harmed the legitimacy of Korea. Second, the poets in Yeongsaakbu believed that King Euija had full responsibility for the fall of Baekje. However, Lee Hak-gyu recognized that the fall of Baekje is a result from Baeje kings’successive indulgence and immorality, failure to recruit brilliant human resources due to the nobility’s mutual quarrels, and frequent struggles for the throne. Third, the poets in Yeongsaakbu gave a high evaluation to Lady Domi(都彌夫人) for her fidelity and loyalty toward Seong Chung(成忠). This is a manifestation of their will to spread the practice of women’s way to keep their fidelity in the society where they themselves lived and to devote themselves to the nation and the king with their loyalty. However, their evaluation of Bok Sin(福信) and Buyeo Yung(扶餘隆) was very negative.

This paper studies Ŭidang(毅堂) Pak, Se-hwa(朴世和, 1834~1910)’s life who strived to concentrate on the educational activities and founded a school based on Jecheon, Chungbuk in a turbulent era. At that time, a considerable number of intellectuals chose their life in various ways, such as suicide, asylum and struggle. Ŭidang agitated for ch'ŏk-sa-wi-chŏng(defending orthodoxy and rejecting heterodoxy, 斥邪衛正) and chon-hwa-yang-i(respect for China and drive out the barbarians, 尊華攘夷), and provided socialists of ch'ŏk-sa-wi-chŏng with theoretical basis, but he could not participate in the struggle on account of illness. Also, he planned to seek asylum in West-Gando, China to leave chosŏn, but he fell by the wayside. He focused on training younger students all his life, not to take up a public office, and decided to suicide at the end of the Korean empire period. His last choice was suicide based on loyalty neither asylum nor struggle. He thought that two watermelons cannot be held under one arm and there are no two kings for the people, and that China cannot be a barbarian and Human cannot be birds and beasts. It is important for him to keep an outlook on facing righteousness(處義觀) depending on ch'ŏk-sa-wi-chŏng and chon-hwa-yang-i. Ŭidang wept bitterly hearing news of a country perishes differ from Intellectuals that believed in Zhu Xi(朱子) who insist that a country might perish but Tao(道) might not perish. Ŭidang thought that it would be better to die than to live so disgracefully, and then decided to suicide. He fasted for twenty-three days before death, and left a will that showed his outlook on facing righteousness. In addition, he wrote two death poems that revealed his awareness of a reality.

Main objective of winter envoy travel of Sojeon Kim, Deok-Seung (1595-1658) was to perform regular envoy duty and at this time, Sojeon was praised for his upright and unselfish attitude. 'Cheoncha Daegwan' being composed of drawing and its description was written at Dongmungwan at last ten days of May, 1625 and it accepted contents of 'Daemyeong Iltongji' faithfully. However, 'before/after sea route journey' at its end contains contents of additionally explaining 'Tongmun Gwanji' by referencing it. When analyzing accepting aspect of 'Daemyeong Iltongji' of 'Cheoncha Daegwan', first, in case of Deungjubu, 40 items among 45 items accepted 'Daemyeong Iltongji' and a tendency of trying to recognize Deungjubu by associating it with 'literature of Shinsan, Sosik' could be seen. In addition, among the quoted contents, a case of wrong record or Tongga was confirmed and descriptive boundary between citation and experience was not clear as well. In case of Raejubu, 52 items among 65 accepted 'Daemyeong Iltongji' and its weight being linked with confucianism was high and descriptive omission for 'Dongrae Seowon' is presumed to be omitted words. In addition, it was confirmed that 'Cheoncha Daegwan referenced contents of 'Daemyeong Iltongji' broadly. In case of Chungjubu, 70 items among 90 accepted 'Daemyeong Iltongji' and it was center of Je Dynasty and descriptive weight for such historical remains was the highest. A case of confusingly recognizing 'Jegu' that is a place of same name by reading experience was found and in case of important target like 'Eejemyo', descriptive weight was increased by supplementing contents of several regions. In case of Jenambu', 93 items among 124 accepted 'Daemyeong Iltongji' and as it has many magnificent scenic sites, citation of scenic poem was abundant than other regions. In addition, as a case of being mixed with certain other contents was found when arranging contents based on specific item like 'Daemyeongho', it could be realized that 'Cheoncha Daegwan' failed to pass through sufficient historical research. As descriptive characteristics of 'Cheonch Daegwan', first, it was described by considering visual and traffic line in order to ensure easy drawing explanation. As a next one, Chinese based civilizational theory was prominently clear. Finally, in order to reinforce accurate geographical information, concern over pailou and bridge was also high. Among travel assays to Qing Dynasty being composed of drawing and its explanation like 'Cheoncha Daegwan', it seems that 'Chocheongi Map' of Ajeong Chung, Du-Won (1581-1642) was affected by 'Cheoncha Daegwan'. In addition, among such assays during Ming, Qing Dynasty transition period, geographical description could be seen like 'Cheoncha Daegwan' and this is characteristics being limited to such travel assay of shuttling Deungju journey.

This writing was written to examine the concrete contents and development of ‘customs(風俗)’, which is one of major contents of yeonhangrok(燕行錄) existing as important cultural literature(文獻群) in the late Joseon Dynasty because ‘customs’ are important subjects of observation and description to the authors yeonhangrok that basically has the situational·contextual characteristics of the records of experience of other cultures while being a contextual element that makes those that read yeonhangrok have continuous interest. Therefore, ‘customs’ are expected to become a connecting ring that would enable analyzing yeonhangrok that contains texts in diverse natures under the name ‘literature’ with a unity ‘text of observation and experience of other cultures.’ First, to consider why ‘customs’ appeared as a new tile in the 18th century based on the tradition of delegation records, how customary elements appeared in the ‘records of delegation to Ming’ that were written earlier and mainly what were introduced were examined. Thereafter, to see comprehensive understanding of the concept ‘customs’ and how the concept developed in 24 pieces of yeonhangrok in the form of magazines out of yeonhangrok written in the 18th century, descriptions under the title customs were analyzed. The format of descriptions of the elements of customs formed through the tradition of the literature regarding delegations to Ming was miscellanea in the form of ‘separate records of experience’ for reporting to the king and the contents were the discovery of conventional practice mentioned to show off cultural pride and customs closely connected to geographical elements. Centering on the ‘miscellaneous records of folklore’contained in three records that gathered short story narrations under the title ‘custom’ out of yeonhangrok written in the 18th century, that is, 「Sancheon Pungsok Chongrok」 in the 『yeonhangilgi』 of Noh Ga-Jae and Kim Chang-Eop(金昌業)(1712), 「Sancheon Pungsok Chonglon」 in the 『Bukwonrok』 of Lee Sang-Bong(李商鳳)(1760), and the 「miscellaneous records of folklore」 contained in the 『Gwanhaerok』 of Kim Jo(金照)(1784), concrete shapes of the new world ‘Qing’ as seen by them and how the shapes changed over time were examined. First, 72 items contained in 「Sancheon Pungsok Chongrok」 of Nogajae included conventional practice and geographical and topographic elements and evenly introduced the areas of food, clothing, and shelter that are basic ways of human life but the objective of the author was not information for management of the country unlike the separate miscellaneous records in the pervious period. The 118 items in the 「Sancheon Pungsok Chonglon」 of Lee Sang-Bong are descriptions of observation of other country’s customs based on other country’s customs observed and experienced by Noh Ga-Jae in the early 18th century added with the results of observation by Lee Sang-Bong. Kim Jo, who left miscellaneous records of folklore as a result of delegation in 1784, described items of ‘folklore’ based on his experience and observation during the trip rather than general ‘customs’ in 30 record items and projected his emotions and sentiments considerably in the records.

The purpose of this study is to examine a craze for Su Dongpo among the literati of Joseon in the 19th century and the perception of him by Hwaseo School. For the literati of Joseon in the 19th century, Su Dongpo was more than an excellent writer or poet. The literati tried to learn and follow everything about Su Dongpo beyond his poetry and prose. Especially, Gyenghwasejok(京華世族) who played an active part in Seoul regarded Su Dongpo as a paragon of ideal life. It can be said that their role model of life was changed from Zhuzi to Su Dongpo. However, the writers of Hwaseo School still adhered to the consciousness of the existing Neo-confucian scholars. Their scholastic mantle linked from Yulgok, through Wooam, to Hwaseo reflected the perception of Su Dongpo. The Hwaseo School thought that Su Dongpo was nothing but a troublemaker who disturbed the order of nature and threw the people into chaos, based on the historical event in which Su Dongpo had a political conflict with Cheng Yi. The negative perception of Su Dongpo was obviously displayed in a history book, Songwonhwadongsahabpyeongangmok(宋元華東史合編綱目), compiled to rectify orthodoxy and to make the sharp Sino-barbarian Dichotomy(華夷). Hwaseo School accepted the record of Su Dongpo described in the existing history, but modified it to emphasize negative side of him. Moreover, they just commented on Su Dongpo's death instead of writing a separate article about it, because he had committed a very great evil. The reason why Hwaseo School maintained the negative perception and exclusive attitude toward Su Dongpo is in line with the ideas of moral philosophy scholars of the Song Dynasty such as Zhuzi, and the Neo-confucian scholars in the mid-Joseon period. In other words, Su Dongpo was not bound by any particular idea, so he had a wide range of thoughts including Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. And he freely made sentences based on his innate literary ability. For these reasons, there were many people who were fascinated by Su Dongpo's sentences during his lifetime and even after he died. Under these circumstances, it was clear that the moral philosophy(道學) claimed by the Neo-confucian scholars would not get much response. Therefore they actively stood up to block the Su Dongpo's influence, fearing that such a situation would occur.

Gyeongwa Eom Myeong-seop was a Confucian scholar that tried to preserve the traditional values of Korea against the Western culture that rushed into the country at the beginning of the 20th century. He started to study the Confucian scriptures under many masters as a child and further advanced in his study under Geumjae, a pupil of Ganjae, after Korea took back its independence. Facing the rapidly changing years from modern to contemporary times, he strived to revive the traditional values in a crisis of rupture by inheriting the heritage of moral philosophy in the spirit of "believing devotedly and enjoying learning" and guiding younger students in the spirit of "guarding morality at the risk of life." He tried to find answers in himself by reflecting on himself, was always alert to himself, and formed a foundation with the Confucian spirits of "trustworthy words and committed actions" and "acting based on accurate knowledge," ultimately wishing to reach the academic status of unity of words and actions. In Korea, Neo-Confucianism continued through Toigye, Yulgok, Wooam, and Ganjae, whose studies were passed down to Geumjae Choi Byeong-shim. Gyeongwa understood the ideologies of Ganjae well and developed them based on his understanding, reflecting them in his education. He explained Seongsashimje(性師心弟:The human nature is the teacher, and the mind is the pupil) of Ganjae with Seongcheonshimji(性天心地:The human nature is the Heaven, and the mind is the Earth). He provided education in the belief that anyone could make a determination and become a saint. In the dismal situations of his times, he took a stronger position as a moral philosopher rather than an inquirer into the philosophical concepts of Neo-Confucianism, by cultivating the body and mind mainly through the scriptures and practicing the morality of sages. It seems like a natural conclusion for him as he was living in an era of violent upheaval when the traditions collapsed and the values were changing rapidly. A period sense of duty is to recognize one's situations of his or her times and decide his or her scholarly duties accordingly. It is inevitably accompanied by self-reflection. It is only natural that people should first reflect on themselves before taking on the tasks of the times. The most basic attitude and obligation of scholars ask them to seek everything in themselves, find answers, and work hard to practice them since the logic of all things is inherent in them. Gyeongwa's life was as intense as the changes during the period of violent upheaval. He practiced himself a sense of duty as a moral philosopher in spite of confusing values and social changes, and his spirit sets a good example of placing greater importance on practice than knowledge.

There are total eight citation poems in Analects of Confucius. Of them, four were directly quoted by Confucius; two were quoted from his conversations with his pupils regarding his education for his students with poems; and the remaining two were quoted from Cengzi at his deathbed and a hermit, respectively. This study set out to examine the poems and lost poems of Book of Odes quoted in Analects of Confucius, understand the characteristics of Confucius' poetic edification theory connoted in them through the situations and conversational content of poetic quotations, and make a concrete inquiry into them. However, it's too voluminous to examine these total eight citation poems because not only the reason of quotation and character, but also poetic edification are respectively different from one another, also some poems were brought to a doubt of mispagination. With these reasons, in order to make my point clear I'd like to limit to only three poems which contain Confucius' viewpoints of study and Wenzhi lun. Confucius' viewpoints of study and poetic quotations have a strong connotation of his poetic edification, which emphasizes ongoing human growth or his lesson that one should not be satisfied or settle down with his or her achievements while recognizing the academic achievements of Zilu and Zigong in the aspects of academic progress and character growth. The study then examined Confucius' Wenzhi lun and poetic quotations and found that he established a basic perspective for Wenzhi by highlighting its fundamental aspects including the recognition of Xianhou lun of loyal subjects and manners after Huishihousu and further proposed an ideal human character of Wenzhi binbin. The Analects of Confucius naturally develops his poetic edification theory according to the situations of poetic quotation and the phase of his disciples' academic achievements. Confucius emphasized the importance of poems in advancement of learning. The aim and feature of his lesson was to lead his disciples to desirable human characters by devoting themselves to studying. Therefore, he enthusiastically conjugated the poems for teaching his disciples.

The purpose of this study is to investigate that the main ruling mechanism which was found in Chinese thought of the Before Qin Dynasty was "Responsibility". Until now, existing studies divided that age into Eun[殷] Dynasty, Ju[周] Dynasty, and the Warring states period[春秋戰國時代] and studied ancient Chinese thought in the context of history. But if we continue to study according to this pattern, we make mistakes of missing the core factors. So we can fix their characteristics such as Eun[殷] Dynasty is under theocrazi, Ju[周] Dynasty is under Heaven's will, and the Warring states period[春秋戰國時代] is under promotion of morality and powerful legislation to recover the stability in society. But if we investigate the thought of the Before Qin Dynasty through prism of responsibility, we can rediscover overlooking factors in existing studies. So in this study, I captured an aspect of responsibility which was born in Eun[殷] Dynasty under theocrazi and tried to investigate about that. Also, in Ju[周] Dynasty ruling system, I found their innovative politics plan. The leader of Ju[周] Dynasty captured skeptical view about eternity of Heaven's will and leader's responsibility in the end of Eun[殷] Dynasty and accepted them very actively. Their trial like this was unheard of plan and established a new direction in ancient Chinese politics. After Ju[周] Dynasty's ruling order was collapsed, lots of confusions were resulted in. At last the king of Je[齊], Huangong[桓公], suggested Hegemony[覇道] to recover stability in society. So in this study, I tried to investigate that Hegemony was planning politics system by expression of leader's responsibility, not dogmatic military power. Through this process, I could find the serious meaning and role of Hegemony which was run by the king of Je[齊], Huangong[桓公]. Confucius[孔子] expanded responsibility from partial leaders to each person. So in this study, I tried to investigate the aspect of responsibility in the Warring states period[春秋戰國時代]. And then I found that the unity of society could be achieved on the basis of each person's responsibility. After Confucius' death, lots of fights broke into for survival and domination in the Warring states period[春秋戰國時代]. Mozi[墨子] thought that Confucianists lost their will and ability for the Confucius' Benevolence[仁] realization. Because they were indulged into excessive etiquette, music, and ceremony, they lost the essence of Confucius' thought. So in this study, I tried to focus on Mozi[墨子]'s innovative system and found that he suggested the realization of public welfare as a solution to recover stability in society. In the end of the Warring states period[春秋戰國時代], unshakable legislations by tyranny of leader and abuse of power were asked. So in this study, I investigated about legislation of Shang Yang, school of law[法家]. And then I found out that his legislation was very different from Han Fei Tzu[韓非子]'s. Shang Yang's legislation is powerful, reasonable, fair, and it had a great achievement about enforcement of fair law at the first time in ancient China.

The Hoche theory is a critical method of interpreting Book of Changes broadly, but there has been a shortage of its systematic research. This study thus set out to examine the discussion patterns of Hoche in the history of Yeokhak and propose developmental directions for future Hoche theory researches. For those purposes, the study traced the origin of Hoche that started with the buci of inscriptions on bones and tortoise carapaces excavated in Yinxu, interpreted them in diverse ways for the Yeokhak-based understanding, and examined the developmental patterns of Hoche by the periods both in China and Korea. After Jing Fang first established the Hoche theory in West Han, Zhen Zhu and Hu Bingwen more focused on 취상적 interpretations different from their masters Yi Chuan and Zhu Xi known as scholars of Yili-yi. In his Yi Xue Qi Meng, Zhu Xi stated that all trigrams operated in the four Hoches(Qian, Kun, Jiji, and Weiji). That is, he put more focus on the connections of trigrams than their interpretative aspects. Indeed Zhu Xi neither excluded Hoche nor made active use of it. In Ming Dynasty, Chen Shihyuan and Lai Zhide were active with researching and developing the Yeokhak of Han, in which the scholars of Xiang-shu said they could not interpret Yi without Xiang. In Korea, the study examined Jo Ho-ik, who was a civilian scholar in middle Joseon and investigated the Yaoci meanings of Guaci trigrams around Hoche in Book of Changes, Seo Myeong-eung, who studied Yili and Neidanxue during the reign of Kings Yeongjo and Jeongjo, and the divinatory interpretations of Dasan Jeong Yak-yong, who investigated Hoche to govern people during the reign of King Jeongjo. The Samjae of Heaven, Earth, and Man, yin and yang, spirit and matter, and time and space can penetrate into a trigram(six Hyos) through 대대 and 유행 because they are in yin and yang signs(󰁌 −). Both the school of Yili-yi and the school of Xiang-shu interpret the 64 trigrams of Book of Changes in relation to the natural objects and men. As both scholars of Xiang-shu and scholars of Yili-yi recognized the importance of 취상 in an attempt to figure out the root, the Hoche researches became even more active. Hoche is Zhongyao that is established by the reciprocal action of four Yaos except for Chuyao and Shangyao. Hoche of Hoche(Hohoche) finds its center in Sanyao and Siyao under the category of 인재. Since Sanyao and Siyao belong to 인재, they refer to the parts related to man. In addition, the Hoche theory is capable of doing comprehensive interpretations by pulling out covered meanings or complex hidden relational patterns according to the need, which means that it is difficult to interpret 역 without Hoche.

This paper first examines the theory of general education curriculum in the Joseon Dynasty and examines the Crown Prince education curriculum focusing on Dongmong(童蒙) period. Because the goal of the Confucianism is to cultivate human nature, the curriculum was for the perfection of the holistic personality. In particular, the curriculum of the Sohak(小學)-Daehak(大學)-linked curriculum proposed by the Zhu-Xi(朱子) is composed of textbooks, and it is taught Sohak(小學, text for child) in Dongmong period, and Daehak(大學, text for adult) is learned after becoming an adult, and other the Four Chinese Classics[四書] and history books are learned. The Crown Prince was also educated on the basis of the ideology of ethical education. Particularly, for the personality education, several prime ministers were selected as the teachers of Crown Prince, Sabu-fellow[師傅賓客]. The Sabu-fellow participated in the ceremony of lecture meeting and checked the contents of the prince's education. The prince has learned to respect the courtesy and the master by humiliating through the ceremonies such as the lecture meeting. It was the ordinance of the Crown Prince to study the textbooks set forth in the curriculum of neo-Confucianism. However, prior to the study of Sohak(小學), The Crown Prince also learned the Chinese character through basic textbooks and learned the basic ideology of neo-Confucianism. In particular, the books compiled in the Joseon Dynasty are included as well, such as Hunmongjahoi(訓蒙字會) and Dongmongsunseub(童蒙先習). In early 17th century, Sohakjibsul(小學集說) was used as a lecture book. In the latter half of the 17th century, Sohakjibju(小學集註) which was compiled by Lee-Yi[李珥], and the new Korean Annotation. It is replaced by the text of the Crown Prince lecture. The royal priesthood education reflected the research results of the Chosun academy at the time.

In this article status of ‘Composition of Words’ which is a grammar component in the area of ‘Vocabulary’ in 2009 Revised “Chinese Characters“ Curriculum in middle school and high school textbooks was reviewed and its implementation aspects were analyzed. Focus was placed on the proposal of appropriate alternatives to achieve ‘Composition of Words’ in the school field by analyzing errors and problems through review and analysis. In ‘Composition of Words,’ explanation of combination relationship between semantic elements has been changed according to curricular. However, the current textbooks presented the description of ‘Composition of Words’ intact without revision. Additionally, there are examples with errors in the textbooks, which made students learning ‘Composition of Words’ confused. The writer tried to analyze description, examples and implementation of ‘Composition of Words’ in the sentences in middle and high school text books in 2009 Revised Curriculum with critical mind and to search desirable implementation of ‘‘Composition of Words.’ It is expected that this study will help textbook writing in the future as it presents explanation and examples of ‘Composition of Words’ systematically.