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2019, Vol.38, No.1

  • 1.

    A Kidnapped Person and a Sailing Experience Drawn on Jo Wanbyuk-jeon and Choi Cheok-jeon

    Kwon, Hyeok-rae | 2019, 38(1) | pp.1~26 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    In this paper, I analyzed Jo Wanbyuk's life-story of the kidnapping of Japan in 1597, and discussed in detail how the narrative and literary space of Jo Wihan's novel Choi Cheok-jeon is related to Lee Sugwang’s Jo Wanbyuk-jeon. Lee Sugwang portrays Jo Wihan in the form of a commercial sailor, and describes mainly the unique things he experienced during his sailing. Lee Sugwang recorded the names of Satsuma, Kwangdung and Heung-yen Viet Nam among the sailing voyages. He said that the western sea was high and the east was low, so the waters flowed from west to east. It also recorded the perception that sailors had about tornadoes. Jo Wihan read Jo Wanbyuk-jeon and got material in terms of the hero named 'kidnapped person', a literary space called the 'Nagasaki-sea-trading ship-port of Viet Nam', and themes of 'the return of kidnapped ones'. And he created his novel Choi Cheok-jeon with his imagination.
  • 2.

    Ocean Experiences and Chinese Poems of a Tongsinsahaeng(通信使行) Member -With a focus on Nam Yong-ik(南龍翼)-

    Lee Nam-myon | 2019, 38(1) | pp.27~53 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This study aimed to examine Chinese poems about ocean experiences by a Tongsinsahaeng member. For this purpose, the study delved into Chinese poems about ocean experiences by Nam Yong-ik(1628-1692) in forms and expressions. Nam Yong-ik visited Japan as a Jongsagwan for Tongsinsa in 1655, not only writing a number of poems about ocean experiences in Busangrok, but also exhibiting his own distinct trend of poetry writing. He diversified ways of writing a poem in the process of experiencing the ocean. When he was onboard or stayed on an island, he wrote poems in various systems and forms classified as Japche(雜體) poems in addition to those in regular forms and often worked together with his colleagues in joint poems. Although Japche poems are classified as poems written for amusement, one can have a difficult time writing a Japche poem due to the addition of rules or restrictions to regular forms of poetry. Since joint poems require collective creative efforts, poets should be careful not to have unnatural flows and connections of their poetic ideas. Nam would spend his time on a Sahaeng trip to Japan by writing playful poems in various systems and forms that required his concentration, thus unburdening himself and pouring out his dullness, boredom, concerns and worries, and sorrow on the trip. He also manifested his imagination and knowledge in his poems actively in the process of having experiences with the ocean. He would set a connective device in the middle of a poem by mobilizing his imagination to connect two things that seemed irrelevant to each other or express his longing for the world of Taoist hermits with miraculous powers through his imagination in dreams. He also expressed his animosity to Japan, recalling Imjinwaeran and associated and compared various situations to authentic historic precedents. He had these ocean experiences at the age of 28. His works created during the time were such masterpieces to which he devoted his efforts that he said Busangrok was the most outstanding work of his life himself. His creative devotion was embodied in his efforts to exert and expand his imagination and association abilities by making an attempt at creation in various styles including poems in regular and irregular forms, short and long works, and individual and joint creations. As a result, his ocean experiences served as an opportunity for him to improve his abilities of poetry writing to a great degree.
  • 3.

    What did the Joseon literati see in the Sea? -An Analysis of prose works with the theme of Contemplating the Sea(觀海)-

    Kwangnyeon Kim | 2019, 38(1) | pp.55~79 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    In this article, I tried to identify the characteristics of classical Chinese prose works of the Joseon Dynasty with the theme of contemplating the sea. During the Joseon Dynasty, the literati thought that the sea was eternal and vast. In particular, it was emphasized that the essence should be understood with the 'eye of the mind' rather than the physical observation itself. I think this is the result of the development in a way that embraces the theory of GuanWu(觀物) but also emphasizes a subjective perspective. The image of the sea also had considerable influence on the contents of classical Chinese prose works on contemplating the sea. The classical Chinese prose works under the theme of contemplating of sea during the Joseon Dynasty have two characteristics: First, the literati of Joseon wanted to use the shape of the sea as an opportunity for moral self-discipline and academic discipline. Second, they wanted to use this as an opportunity to cultivate individual spirit by paying attention to the vastness and breadth of the sea.
  • 4.

    A Study on the Literary Descriptions in Choi-bu's 『Pyohaerok(漂海錄)』

    Hwang ah young | 2019, 38(1) | pp.81~103 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    Choi-bu's 『Pyohaerok(漂海錄)』 is a travel diary that describes the experience of Choi-bu arriving in China after drifting in the sea and returning to Joseon(朝鮮) land via inland China. Choi-bu recorded every 150 day of his experience in the 『Pyohaerok』 in the form of a diary, which provided detailed information on customs, geography and natural environment in areas south of Beijing, which was not known to the Joseon Dynasty at that time. The 『Pyohaerok』 is a part of 'Jobgi(雜記體)' that is a form of a record of personal experience and a diary, and is also a part of 'Pilgi(筆記體)' that records essays and miscellaneous books. In particular, King Seongjong(成宗) of the Joseon Dynasty promoted practical studies so that it was time when many books of Pilgi were in vogue. Choi-bu participated in the compilation of such practical books, and he had extensive knowledge, so he received a royal command and wrote 『Pyohaerok』 which included a record of his special experience and a record for delivery of information. In this study, we focus more on literary expressions of special experiences rather than on information delivery in the 『Pyohaerok』. Choi-bu had recorded many conversations with people, which enhanced realism in literature and delivered much animated expression by describing the surroundings and the scene in detail. In addition, Choi-bu continuously expressed many stories with being suspenseful, with proper arrangements of the life-and-death crises that he had experienced, and with moments when such problems had been resolved. This method of narrative had greatly influenced the subsequent Joseon Dynasty paragraphs by achieving not only the purpose of information transfer but also literary achievements.
  • 5.

    A Study on the Word and Behavior of the Father(先府君遺行) of Kim Ahn-ro(金安老)

    Koo Seul-ah | 2019, 38(1) | pp.105~142 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This paper is the first analysis of the work of Kim Ahn-ro in the middle of the Chosun dynasty, which summarizes the life and behavior of his father Kim Huen(金訢). It focused on the characteristic aspects such as the criteria of the anecdote selection and the way of expression, and examined Kim's awareness of the times. Kim Ahn-ro pick up his father’s poetry at 1513. And he selected 43 special anecdotes in his father's life. In this process, Kim Jong-jik(金宗直) greatly borrowed the form and problem consciousness of IICHUNROK(彛尊錄), which summarized his life and behavior. In Kim Ahn-ro's writings, feelings of sadness or loss of father's absence were weakened, and instead, overall respect for father's life was strengthened. In addition, the emotions of recalling the ‘father's age’ are more important than the Kim Jong-jik. The Word and Behavior of the Father(先府君遺行) is based on the importance of the academic efforts of the gentry(士大夫), together with the age of harmony in which such gentries are recognized by advanced monarchs and a seniors. Kim Ahn-ro recalls the era of Seongjong as the peaceful reign, where the gentry did not conflict with one another but recognized each other through faith and literary works. He described his father 's life on the political side, guarding his attitude to comply with the hierarchy and despise his superior. On the other hand, in the academic aspect, it takes a positive attitude to promote the relationship with Kim Jong-jik. The anecdotes presented are somewhat different from those of the exemplary Confucian scholars. In other words, it seems that Kim Ahn-ro's work to arrange his father's remembrance and summarize his father’s Word and Behavior was a good opportunity to prospect the succession of King Seongjong(成宗) and to endure his will to succeed. It is not the intention to assume the father's life as the standard of the gentry, but to confirm the milestone reminding the way to go through the father's time.
  • 6.

    Consideration about the JiBong LeeSuGwang’s academic view point

    Kim Byoung-joo | 2019, 38(1) | pp.143~166 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This article’s main subject are the analysis about the academic relationship of “Confucianism for Self-Cultivation” and “Governing People” in the JiBong LeeSuKwang’s several works and the research about the direction of his academic view point. Some characteristic aspects of JiBong’s academic view were examined. First, JiBong emphasized not only “saseosamgyeong” that stressed by the other scholar of the same time but also “Yukgyeong” as the basic learning for the governing a country as the basic scriptures of his academic foundation. The greatest purpose of studying the “Yukgyeong” was to learn not as a simple messagebut as a mind, and to put it into practical use. Second, JiBong emphasized the method of learning based on the practice, and defined those as a true learning which is the best way to solve the problems about the basic necessities of life for the public welfare. It was not a metaphysical study, but an academic book for everyday life. In addition, JiBong recognized the importance of mind attitude for learning and emphasized not character-oriented and theory-oriented but learning and practice-oriented learning Third, JiBong emphasized the discipline of the mind and realized it as the subject of all things, and tried to behave the “Ren” which could remove the selfish and conduct the equality of self and others, people and things. In conclusion, Jibong's scholarship accepts and compromises the diverse learning, and understands the learning from a practical point of view, and follows the academic category of practical Confucianism by self-reflection.
  • 7.

    A Study on Hong Baek-chang’s Guilgi

    Kang Hye-Kyu | 2019, 38(1) | pp.167~183 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Guilgi(句日記) is a Mt. Kumgang travelogue written by Hong Baek-chang(洪百昌) in his mid-thirties, an eighteenth-century writer. This article analyzes Guilgi based on the creative consciousness mentioned in the preface of Guilgi, while on the one hand focusing on Hong Baek-chang’s poetic-oriented advocacy, and on the other hand paying attention to the related aspects of travel poetry and travel prose. In the preface of Guilgi, Poet Hong Baek-chang, advocated a new literary tendency with criticism towards the existing literary tendencies of the time. Hong Baek-chang’s poetics revealed in Guilgi can be summarized as a break from rhythm and tone, while prioritizing verisimilitude. Next, Guilgi can be paired with Munilgi(文日記), a travelogue within Dongyugisil(東遊記實), which can be the beginning for illuminating the close relationship between travel poetry and travel prose. ‘Guilgi’ signifies diary written in poetry, which has duplicity with ‘Munilgi’ that refers to diary written in prose within Dongyugisil. Guilgi and Munilgi establishes a duplicity relationship from the creative consciousness, thereby pairs their titles, closely interrelates the correlation by arranging the travel sequence to match the poetry to the diary, and by weaving them into a series.
  • 8.

    Lecture activities and readings of Nohju(老洲) Oh hee-sang(吳熙常)

    Shin,Youngju | 2019, 38(1) | pp.185~212 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    This paper is a paper that examined the fact that the author focused on lectures and reading while experiencing uneasy social confusion as he grew up at the end of the 18th century and spent his old age in the early 19th century. Nohju(老洲) became Confucian scholar(儒賢) rather than being a bureaucrat, so he devoted himself to academic lectures and tried to change society. At that time, foreign cultures and values were pushed into Korea, and they were shaking our society by clashing with the existing order. For this reason, the tradition and authority of the scholarship that has been maintained in our country has been undermined. Therefore, Confucianism lost its power and the discipline of society was in crisis. In this age, Nohju(老洲) always tried to restore the tradition of Confucianism. Because of this, the king kept giving him office. However, he did not accept it, and he strived to study only. Nohju seems to pay attention to the space called Seowon(書院) that can change society. He was in charge of discussing scholarship in 'Seosil Seowon' and 'Deokbong Seowon'. So he tried to change the social order in this area. He hoped that he could go one step further and change the whole country. It is difficult to present the right direction and realize it in the transition period when the atmosphere of our country changes. Because of this, it would not have achieved the effect that was originally expected. However, he has to admit that he has tried to correct the wrong social order by utilizing his academic experience. And that alone has already done a great job. In the meantime, Nohju himself expressed his views on various ways of reading. ‘Reading the scriptures first, adding a history book to read,’ ‘Reading a book by setting up a curriculum in accordance with my own abilities,’ ‘Thinking about each letter and each verse and reading it, and finding difficult and suspicious areas to ask while reading’ emphasized these things. In addition, he suggested fur ways as the four stages of reading, and encouraged them to read books while deepening the process gradually. In the activities of the pastor, we should pay attention to various opinions on how to teach the prince. And he was interested in educating students in Kwanbuk(關北) area. However, this paper does not cover this part. Further research is expected in the future.
  • 9.

    A General Study on Wolchulsan(月出山) Yusangi(遊山記) in Joseon dynasty

    Sa Gyeong-hwa | 2019, 38(1) | pp.213~252 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Yusangi is a literary record by a writer who went directly to the mountain after he visited the mountain. And in yusangi there is a variety of information about the artist's world view, values, and mountains and regions. For this reason, yusangi studies have been studied in various areas. However, the object and scope of the study are concentrated on specific mountains. Therefore, this study first examined the Wolchulsan yusangi for the purpose of expanding and diversifying the scope of yusangi research. The number of Wolchulsan yusangi reviewed in this paper is seven in total. Jeong-sang's 『Wolchulsanyusanlog(月出山遊山錄)』 is the first Wolchulsan yusangi which contains concrete records of Yongam Temple. Heomog's 『Wolaggi(月嶽記)』 records the names of peaks, hills, and rocks of Wolchulsan which are not present. Kim-changhyeob’s 『Deung-Wolchulsangujeongbong-gi(登月出山九井峯記)』 is a work that expresses only the process of coming up to gujeong-bong very realistically, and the writer's writing power is outstanding. Kim-taeil's 『Yu-wolchulsangi(遊月出山記)』 is a work that allows the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty to ascend to the mountains and see how they enjoyed it. Jeong-sig's 『Wolchulsanlog(月出山錄)』 is the only Wolchulsan yusangi built in the 18th century. It was a record that shows the process of starting from Jinju and arriving at Wolchulsan in detail, and it was showing that the route to Wolchulsan was diverse. Song-jung hui's 『Yu-wolchulsangi(유월출산기)』 records objective facts about Wolchulsan and Wolchulsan neighboring area and this is an important record to know the history of Wolchulsan and its surroundings. Song-byeong sun's 『Yu-wolchulcheongwan sangi(遊月出天冠山記)』 was a record of the desire for the diffusioning of 'wijeongchuksa(衛正斥邪)', while keeping the basics of yusangi. Wolchulsan yusangi, which we have discussed above, contains factual and objective information about mountains because the artist directly recorded the mountain after he ascended the mountain. In addition, the fact that it contains various aspects of yusan in the Joseon Dynasty is also worth the data. Based on this, we will continue the in - depth study on wolchulsan and further study Yusangi to review the historical and cultural value of Yusangi, and hope that the value of Yusangi will increase.
  • 10.

    Shisanshan, Halfway on the Envoys’Journey to Beijing

    KIM IL HWAN | 2019, 38(1) | pp.253~291 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    Shisanshan(十三山) is about halfway between the Amnokgang River and Beijing, in present Shishan Zhen(石山鎭), Liaoning, China. Shisanshan is the name of the post station and indicates the 13 mountains in this area as well. From the time that Jin Hwa(陳澕) visited the Jin Dynasty as the envoy in the early 13th century and mentioned Shisanshan in his poem, ‘Shisanshan’ was continuously mentioned in writings and poems written by Korean envoys from the Ming dynasty to the Qing dynasty. The envoys recorded some curious interest in and reactions to the unique place name made of the number ‘13 (Shisan)’ and the geographical feature soaring high at the end of the Liaoning Plain. Some people discussed the accuracy of the name by counting the large and small mountains scattered in this area. Some pointed out that the number of mountains was not accurate and so ‘石山’ (shíshān), meaning the ‘stony mountain’, was misunderstood as the name ‘十三(shísān)’ because of a similar pronunciation (in Chinese). There was a family that traveled through ‘Shisanshan’ on the 13th every month for three generations. The descendants tried to remember the endeavors of their ancestors continuously visiting China for the envoys’ mission and the honor of the family. Those who experienced the Japanese invasion in 1594 interpreted the number ‘13’ as meaning the visit to the Ming Dynasty three times over 10 years. Before the late 17th century when the northward route from Liaoning to Shenyang was created, the envoys who had to follow the route from Haizhou through Ujiazhuang to Guangning recognized the peak of Shisanshan at the end of the long wetland called ‘Liaoze’ as the ‘Peak of Hope’. The envoys, completely exhausted both in body and mind, wrote poems longing for their hometowns and families which seemed to appear when they came to the peak of the mountain. Some talked about the romantic love with the ‘twelve peaks in Wushan’(巫山十二峯) with the king and the exorcist during the Chu period. Such description seems to unconsciously expose the sexual desire of sexual life suspended for a long time due to the diplomatic mission. A variety of reactions of Joseon envoys regarding the Shisanshan demonstrated the diplomatic mission as the journey of an envoy free from the historical awareness or the burden that the mission was the official duties.
  • 11.

    Analysis of Hoche's Chakjong Relations in 『Zhouyi』

    Choi Yeen-young | 2019, 38(1) | pp.293~321 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The term Chakjong(錯綜) was first used by Kong Yinda during Tang Dynasty. Lai Zhide argued that six Hyos should manifest the logic of yin and yang circulation based on the changes of Chak・Jong and Junghyo even after their own changes. Chakgoae is the substitution of yin with yang and vice versa. Jonggoae is the inversion of Goae upside down. Chakjonggoae is the same Goae even with Chak or Jong. Since Hohoche Jungcheongeon and Hohoche Jungjigon are in yin-yang relations, they are in Chak relations but show no changes in case of Jong. It is thus possible to pair Hoche of Hohoche Jungcheongeon and that of Hohoche Jungjigon with Goae in Chak relations. As a result, when Hohoche is in Chak relations, Hoche can also be paired in Chak relations. Even the Bongoaes of the Hoche can be paired in Chak relations. Hohoche Suhwagije and Hohoche Hwasumije are in Chakjong relations each other. Since there is an even distribution among Chak, Chakjong, and Jong relations between the Hoche of Hohoche Suhwagije and that of Hohoche Hwasumije, the Bongoaes of each Hoche also show an even distribution among Chakjong, Chak, and Jong relations. There is an even distribution among Chak, Chakjong, and Jong relations in Hoches and Bongoaes based on the Chakjong relations between Hohoche Suhwagije and Hohoche Hwasumije, which means that they are entangled in even more complex ways than Geon and Gon in simple Chak relations. This study set out to categorize their Hohoche, Hoche, and Bongaoe into Three Sangs including Bonsang, Naesang, and Oisang and analyze their semantic relations leading to Chakjong, Chak, and Jong relations based on the universal content of "Daesangjeon" and "Danjeon" in Book of Changes. Hoches and Bongoaes of Hohoche Jungcheongeon and Jungjigon in Chak relations form mixing relations of ying and yang, duplicity, and double-sidedness, which means that they are in mutually supplementary and fulfilling relations. There are Chakjong relations among Hohoche Suhwagije, Hochejung Hwasumije and Suhwagije, and Noitaekguimaewa Pungsanjeom. There are Chak relations between Noisuhaewa Punghwagain and Hwataekgyuwa Susangeon. There are Jong relations between Noisuhaewa Susangeon and Hwataekgyuwa Punghwagain. When Hohoches are in Chakjong relations, Hoeches will show an even distribution among Chak, Chakjong, and Jong relations with Bongoaes following the case of Hoches. While Chak relations are automatically accompanied, Chakjong relations will still have the same Goaes even with yin and yang changing places or turning upside down. They will thus have good and ill luck and likes and dislikes alternating in turn. Good luck has ill luck latent it in and vice versa. Likes have dislikes latent in them and vice versa. They thus remind one of the meanings of expressions, "Clouds always follow the sunshine" and "An evil may sometimes turn out a blessing in disguise." Jong relations have Goaes deriving from the inversion of Hyo and Wui. If roles are identified according to Hyo and Wui, the easiness of restoring a situation of good luck will also be discovered. Hoche implies that the identification and analysis of connected meanings among Chakjong, Chak, and Jong serving as bridges among three Sangs(Hohoche-Bonsang, Hoche-Naesang, and Bongoae-Oisang) will enable broad interpretations of Goaes based on more grounds.
  • 12.

    The Quest on the context of Taoism in the thought of Gal Hong’s Taoist hermit

    kim Chae Lin | 2019, 38(1) | pp.323~353 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Gal Hong, as the thinker during the Wei-Jin(魏晉) period, believed that all humans can be a Taoist hermit(神仙). Gal Hong changed and developed ‘Progundity(玄)·Tao(道)·One(一)’ corresponding with Taoist hermit, and he regarded ‘Progundity(玄)·Tao(道)·One(一)’ as the ground of the Taoist hermit-thought. In other words, Gal Hong expanded the ontology of Taoist hermit-thought by ‘Progundity(玄)·Tao(道)·One(一)’, and further he organized the practical philosophy of ‘the Tao learning to be a Tao hermit(仙道)’ that can be Tao hermit by learning and practicing ‘Progundity(玄)·Tao(道)·One(一)’ as the ground of universe. Gal Hong’s theory, which anyone can be a Taoist hermit, is that anyone can be a Taoist hermit by learning if he want to be a Taoist hermit regardless of rank, the noble or humble, gender. In the one hand, this theory succeeded to the inaction-naturalness(無爲自然) of Lao-zi in harmony with the fatalism which said a Taoist hermit being only one born by the star of a Taoist hermit. In the other hand, we can’t identify whether who the Taoist hermit is or not, and thus it is itself included in a possibility that anyone can be the Taoist hermit. Therefore what is the most important is his will and effort to be the Taoist hermit. In conclusion, the historical meaning of Gal Hong’s Taoism is that he argue anyone can be a Taoist hermit by his concrete theory and method seeking to freedom and immortality which is on the basis that human can overcome his mortality.
  • 13.

    The Change of Gangneung Hyanggyo and Its Role in the Community(1894~1945) -Focusing on the Establishment of Hwasan School-

    AHN SE HYUN | 2019, 38(1) | pp.355~392 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    In this paper, I tried to explored the changing patterns of Gangneung Hyanggyo and Its Role in the Community from 1894 to 1945. In 1894, following the action of the Ministry of Education, education in Hyanggyo was virtually suspended. However, Hyanggyo continued to serve as an exchange space for local Confucian scholars while maintaining the ritual function. In particular, Gangneung Hyanggyo maintained its reputation as an educational and academic institution by holding lectures, exams and other events. I particularly noted the process of setting up a Hwasan school in 1908. I have rediscovered the personal information and track record of Jeong Hyeon-dong, who led the school's establishment. Hwasan school offered traditional Confucian education, and in this regard that were different from Western modern schools. For this reason, people who pursued Western studies and founded modern schools opposed the establishment of Hwasan school.
  • 14.

    On the Change of Social Acceptance of the ‘Halgo’ Act of Modern China

    Han, Yae-won | 2019, 38(1) | pp.393~420 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    In this paper, I tried to explored the changing patterns of Gangneung Hyanggyo and Its Role in the Community from 1894 to 1945. In 1894, following the action of the Ministry of Education, education in Hyanggyo was virtually suspended. However, Hyanggyo continued to serve as an exchange space for local Confucian scholars while maintaining the ritual function. In particular, Gangneung Hyanggyo maintained its reputation as an educational and academic institution by holding lectures, exams and other events. I particularly noted the process of setting up a Hwasan school in 1908. I have rediscovered the personal information and track record of Jeong Hyeon-dong, who led the school's establishment. Hwasan school offered traditional Confucian education, and in this regard that were different from Western modern schools. For this reason, people who pursued Western studies and founded modern schools opposed the establishment of Hwasan school.