KJC Korea
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Official Chinese historical documents differ from those of Korea concerning the origin of the governing class and royal family of the Early Shilla. In Korean history, Bakhyeokgeose(朴赫居世) is recorded as the founder of Shilla, and the governing class in the Early Shilla is described as the migrants from the Ancient Joseon Kingdom(古朝鮮). Conversely, the official Chinese records state that Early Shilla was ruled by a King of Mahan(馬韓), or that Shilla had a king from Baekje(百濟). The records also assert that Shilla consisted of a tribe from Mahan(馬韓)-Byeonhan(弁韓)-and the migrants from Koguryeo(高句麗), Jin(秦), and Naklang(樂浪). The records about the migrants from Jin and A-jan(我殘) in Samgukji(『三國志』)are likely based on the message of an aged person from Jinhan(辰韓). The article about the migrants from Koguryeo and a king from Baekje in Suiseo(『隋書』) is based on a preface and review of Dong i-jeon(東夷傳) of Samgukji. Lastly, the article about a tribal origin of Shilla's King was inference from Han-jeon(韓傳) of Samgukji. The distorted historical view of a governing class of the Tang(唐) Empire, which regarded the three Hans(三韓) in the same light as the Three Kingdoms, has affected the description of the history of Shilla. Shilla had an occasional diplomatic relationship with China from the reign of King Naemul(奈勿王), and maintained a steady relationship with the Sui and Tang Empires from the late 6th century. In the early 6th century, King Jinheung(眞興王) of Shilla ordered a history book made-Gooksa(『國史』)-which contained the traditional views of the Kingdom’s founder and tribal origins. This book, however, didn't affect the Chinese historical description. Due to a delay in the establishment of a diplomatic relationship between Shilla and China, the history of the Early Shilla wasn't recorded in the Chinese official history. Moreover, Since King Naemul was from Kims family, he didn't have any obligation or incentive to make a historical record about the founder Bakhyeokgeose and his Baks family. Ever since King Naemul ascended the throne, Kims family had monopolized a royal authority and formed the sole idea of their own lineage. Thus the early history of Shilla which was formed by Baks family couldn't be introduced to China by Kims family. On the other hand, before Shilla and China established a steady relationship, Chinese historians already had a description of Shilla's history on the basis of their traditional historical view. Moreover, the principle of Chinese hegemony of the Sui and Tang Empires affected the description of history of Shilla. As a result, Shilla's history in Chinese Official History differs from that of Korean history.

Queen Seondeok was the first queen in Korean history, and has a very important position in closing the early age of Shilla after Queen Seondeok and Jindeok and opening the middle age of Jingol dynasty, that is, the Unified Shilla. Ilyeon's opinion on this Queen Seondeok is summarized at Already Known Three Affairs in his book <Samguk Yusa(Hidden History of Three Kingdoms)>. While the first and the second affairs are partially described in <Samguk Sagi(History of Three Kingdoms)>, the third one is mentioned only in Ilyeon's book. Therefore, it is meaningful in that we can understand the view point of <Samguk Yusa>. What the author wanted to tell through the third affair was that Queen Seondeok was the ideal monarch like Cakra-varti-rājan. It is verified through the fact that Queen Seondeok prophesied her death and designated Trāyastriṃśa as her burial place and built the 9 story-wooden pagoda of Hwangyongsa Temple in the Third Affair. The recognition of Queen Seondeok as Cakra-varti-rājan can be surely certified through the fact that the queen designated Trāyastriṃśa as her burial place, and the higher conformity is acquired through the facts related on the 9 story-wooden pagoda of Hwangyongsa Temple. Therefore, in the view point of <Samguk Yusa> on Queen Seondeok, the recognition that Queen Seondeok equals Cakra-varti-rājan already exited. Upon this recognition, the legitimacy of Middle Shilla Dynasty was being obtained from Queen Seondeok in relationship with the third affair. It gives an important meaning in determining the position of Queen Seondeok. Moreover, it should be noticed that it reflects the contemporary recognition on the female monarch in that this kind of legitimacy is obtained in spite of the fact that she was a female monarch. That is, the peculiarity of the third affair has no little significance in reflecting the Buddhism in the first and securing the legitimacy of Middle Dynasty in the second.

In 1141 (the twentieth year from the accession to the throne of Injong and the second year of Hwangtong, the name of the era of Geum (Jin dynasty)), Injong was first invested by Geum. In July of the same year, the relationship of investment and tribute between Goryeo and Geum was virtually made by the employment of Hwangtong and diplomatic intercourse of missions between them was regularized. In this study, by examining the realities of the diplomatic intercourse of missions between Goryeo and Geum, I seek to consider its periodicity and find the meanings of it. In particular, I pay attention to the backgrounds and meanings of the times and periodicity of the missions concerning birthday and special royal edict (Hoengseon). Although the analysis is made centering on Goryeo, I think that the backgrounds of it were national ceremonies of Goryeo in July and November. In brief, the result of this study is the following. The diplomatic intercourse of missions between Goryeo and Geum was not made unilaterally in the political aspect of toadyish tribute and investment. The courtesy of diplomatic missions between Goryeo and Geum followed the system of Yo (Liao Dynasty), but various foreign trades accompanying diplomatic missions were officially developed in considering the interests of Goryeo and Geum. The network of trade of Goryeo-Southern Song-Western Xia-Geum was made centering on them and the dispatch of diplomatic missions was regularized.

During the late 17th century, the local society of Joseon was experiencing rapid socio-economical changes after wars with Japan and Ching China. The central government introduced systems to tighten control over the local government. The representative one was the Provincial Kukwandangsang(八道句管堂上) of Bibyunsa(備邊司) that was expanded to the supreme administrative organization from a military organization. The system of the Provincial Kukwandangsang was first introduced in 1713, but practically it functioned from 1731 for the countrywide relief-work and it became the control tower over the local government since then. The Provincial Kukwandangsang supervised chief administrators(守令) who was the front-line agent of central government and was in charge of the local administration : assessment of the rate of the failure of crop, relief-work, reform of military service, etc. Especially the administration of relief-work was the most important task in the middle of 18th century. On the one hand, owing to this system it was possible to have the expertise for the local administration and on the other hand King Youngjo's political ideal of ruling the whole country by the absolute power of a king could come true.

This study examines 『Bibyeonsadeungnok』's description system and contents of collected recording. Examined comparison mainly with 『Seungjeongwonilgi (承政院日記)』 that is government office recording of same type in description system, and contents utilized 『Bibyeonsadeungnoksaekin(備邊司謄錄索引)』(1997) and sort this by type. Contents of 『Bibyeonsadeungnok』 parted by Bibyeonsa(備邊司) attendant list[座目] and recording. Recording was consisted of report, king raising to king in Bibyeonsa and recording, policy connection rules for operation, government official recommendation list etc. that minister discusses. Banishment by form of this recording of 『Bibyeonsadeungnok』is similar with 『Seungjeongwonilgi』. Each recording initially collect attendant list such. Only, point that Seungjeongwon(承政院) attendant list is recorded every day in 『Seungjeongwonilgi』 while collect Bibyeonsa attendant list only on first recording every month in 『Bibyeonsadeungnok』differs. Beside, king and ministers conversation recording is thing of type that is liked collect to 『Seungjeongwonilgi』 and government official recommendation list will be type such as Ijo(吏曹), Byeongjo(兵曹)'s government official personnel record class that is collected to 『Seungjeongwonilgi』. A lot of rules for operations that is collected to 『 Bibyeonsadeungnok』only are banishment of recording that can not detect in 『Seungjeongwonilgi』. Could observe contour that is general in connection with 『Bibyeonsadeungnok』's contents through existing study finding for relevant government office. Add here in this studyand Sukjong(肅宗) time 『Bibyeonsadeungnok』's recording about 9,127 items national defense by contentsㆍDiplomacyㆍFinanceㆍGreetingㆍCeremonyㆍCurrentaffairsㆍAdministrationㆍWatched to other back. Through this, confirmed positively that Bibyeonsa's role is moving by financegreeting etc. gradually since latter half of 17th century.

In Joseon Dynasty, casualties to men and cattle caused by tigers is called 'Hohwan (虎患; Tiger Disaster)' and to capture tigers is called 'Poho (捕虎; Capturing Tigers)' or 'Chakho (捉虎; Catching Tigers)'. Since the Tiger Disaster was directly connected with public security which secures public welfare, the nation had promulgated 「Poho Jogeon(捕虎條件)」, 「Chakho Samok(捉虎事目)」 and 「Chakho Jeolmok(捉虎節目)」, as a part of countermeasure against the problem. Those different names, 'Jogeon, Samok and Jeolmok', are basically the same as detailed enforcement regulations to capture tigers. In this paper, I analyzed 「Chakho Jeolmok」 promulgated in Joseon Dynasty and considered how the nation coped with central and local tiger disasters. In the early Joseon period, Chakho-gapsa (guardsmen) and Chakho-jang (leaders) took charge of capturing tigers in central area, and Chakho-in (捉虎人; men who caught tigers) of local area were operated under 「Poho Jogeon」 stated by Byeong-jo (Military Affairs) in 1472. In the late Joseon period, under military system changed, Hullyeon-dogam (Military Training Agency), Geumwiyeong (Capital Garrison) and Eoyeong-cheong (Capital Guard Units) were in charge of capturing tigers, and 「Chakho Jeolmok」 was repeatedly announced over central and local areas to cope with emergent disaster. The new version of 「Chakho Jeolmok」 was released, in which some rules of existing 「Chakho Jeolmok」 that did not applicable to the circumstances was revised and supplemented. The revision was mainly carried out in articles such as a reward for Chakho-in and capturing methods, and this was to encourage the people to capture tigers.

Pibyŏnsa, founded with the incident of Imjinwaeran(The Japanese Invasion), provided the establishment and basis for Sarim politics in the 17th century, later accepting general social changes brought about in the latter half of Choseon Dynasty and changing its roles. In the 17th century, Pibyŏnsa was the place where high-ranking officials discussed and held numerous conferences on primary national policies, and played an important part in Sarim politics, to which checks and balances were applied with regard to the management and several power structures. In this era, Pibyŏnsa was an important government office, which helped get over successive national crises, such as Imjinwaeran, and effectively coped with new social changes, which were hard to deal with under Gyeonggookdaejeon systems, and played a positive role in taking numerous discussions in the political administration. With the incrementing conflicts among political factions during King Sookjong's regime, however, and the breakdown of checks and balances among political power groups, the function of Pibyŏnsa accordingly changed. Apparently, Pibyŏnsa had all the systems organized and its functions reinforced, certain factions tried to carried through their interests by using it, almost hampering discussions on political administation in it. These phenomena got more deteriorated during King Pibyŏnsa, slowing down the function of Bibyeonsa and gradually abolishing the reception of diverse opinions. King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo, in an effort to disband factional politics, resolve conflicts among them, and take the leadership in political management, tried to take advantage of Pibyŏnsa's Chadae. In addition, a distinguished power group took their position in Pibyŏnsa, reflecting the interests of minor family clans and seized national administration, causing the centralization of power among power structures. Consequently, with the disappearance of powerful royal authority and the appearance of political management era by specific powerful family clans, these clans used Pibyŏnsa as the basis of political monopoly. So Pibyŏnsa was regarded as the first target to overthrow. In brief, Pibyŏnsa was the supreme political structure for 300 years during the latter period of Choseon Dynasty, taking in interests among political power groups and social changes, and changes its political phase and function.

In this article, how the Village associations(Donggyae/洞契) operated in the latter half period of the 19th century, is examined. It seems that they came to serve as autonomous entities inside natural villages, and considering the fact that they had once served under the leadership of Sajok figures as a device of ruling local communities, it can be said that they departed from their previous status quite considerably. In order to corroborate that, the case that is surveyed in this article is the Eoseo-ri/語西里 Village association, which existed in the Jangheung-gun/長興郡 region's Yongsan-myeon/蓉山面 area, inside the Jeonra Nam-do/全羅南道 province. The Donggyae Suji-bu(洞契收支簿/Account book for the Village association), which shows us the activities and operations of the association in question in chronological order, is dominantly consulted in this survey. The Eoseo-ri Village association was reconvened(重修) in 1838, to respond to the government's 'collective' collection of taxes. It was also organized within the range of one natural village, Eoseo-ri. Yet the Eoseo-ri Village association was not a mere interest group just organized to address only the tax situation ('應稅組織'). It had its own principles, regarding regulations and operations concerning village affairs, and it was in charge of managing the properties and assets that belonged to the entire village(洞有財産‧洞有器物). It also supported the general interest(福利) of the villagers. It played a central role in the village's own autonomous ruling of itself. Analysis of the expenditure of the Eoseo-ri Village association in late 19th century shows that, although devising a response to the government's tax collection still remained as one of the association's prominent functions, since the 1880s spendings for community events or for acquiring certain things for the village started to increase. We can see that the Village association started its activities under the objective of responding unitedly to exterior pressures(taxation), yet in the process it also managed to reinforce its inner bonding as a community. And at the same time, although Eoseo-ri was a Yangban village and the Eoseo-ri village association accordingly emphasized the necessity and merits of maintaining a Confucian social order right from the beginning, primary day-to-day operations of the association in late 19th century started to reflect the weakened status of Yangban-based social order, which was of stratification. Large number of villagers participated in commercial profit- making('殖利') activities, utilizing properties under the association's ownership(契錢). They even shared the right of loaning the association's assets to someone, and also shared the responsibility of managing them. This shows us that the Village association was being openly operated, unbounded by traditional barriers of social statuses or blood relationships, and that the association was maintained upon the joint responsibility taken by the majority of the village residents. These characteristics featured by the Eoseo-ri Village association in late 19th century, such as ① the fact that the association only concerned an individual natural village, ② that it maintained functions of addressing taxation problems, and ③ the fact that from its operations we can see the apparent weakening of the authorities' ruling which had been imposed upon the villagers through social order, are indicators that Village associations in this time were not the Village associations of the 18th century, which served as the Sajok leaders' device of social ruling. The range covered by the village associations was reduced to that of an individual village, the primary living space of the peasantry population, and that enabled the associations to interact with the villagers' lives more closely and more comprehensively. Also the Eoseo-ri Village association enabled the villagers to unite, and together in a collective fashion resolve many problems which not only included tax problems but also other pressures imposed upon the village itself. Such experiences ultimately united them even more. Although Eoseo-ri was a village inhabited by dominant Yangban house members, the Village association was operated unbounded by the restraints such as family names or social statuses. A large number of villagers participated openly in association's affairs, and the association itself was actually weakening such restraints. We can see that the most representative trait of the Sajok-controlled Village associations, the influence and control they had over the low-class villagers, were literally vanishing. As mentioned before, in late 19th century, Village associations departed from its previous function of serving the Sajok leaders in local regions as a local ruling body or an entity enforcing social order, and instead became local communities deeply connected with the people's lives, on the village level. It was not like the previous Village associations were dissolved or lost any historical relevance coming into the late 19th century. They only reestablished themselves as autonomous ruling entities, on the village level.