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Koguryo reformed the area ruling system dividing into the Five Department composed of Neapyeong, the inner village and Yoipyeong, the outer area. Each Department has Yoksal as a minister. In case of Yoipyeong, it was made up of 3 stages of chain of command： Yoksal-Chyolyokunji-Rucho. Meanwhile, Koguryo reorganized Kaladal, the artisan in Jesosung executing military function, as the aide under Yoksal and Chyolyokunji to complete the gaps in ruling system. When it comes to the West Department established in Liáodōng region, however, numbers of Yoksal were founded for military needs unlike other areas in Koguryo. It is believed that Yoksals in the West Department might play similar roles to ones in many other places under the integrated command of the West Department Yoksal though it manages rather small areas. The military operation system in Koguryo, on the one hand, were operated based on above-mentioned rural area ruling system. The one in the West Department was dispositioned to control the key avenues of approach. In the military viewpoint, Jedaesung in Yoksal arms in readiness locating itself on the most important route from the external diameter of Koguryo to the center of it, the spear of the main road, or the junction of the depth and the main road. It is hard to firmly declare but there is slight possibility that Ogolsung Yoksal was the West Department Yoksal. While Jesung of Chyolyokunji under Yoksal controlled the principal roads less important, Jesosung of Kaladal did the brench road. In Chyolyokunji, though it had "independency" on military operations, that was limited to defense operations of own castle and was subjected to Yoksal's command and control as per usual.

In the late period of king Injong(仁宗), the noble officials that held real power required the sharp reduction of Nasi's numbers. That was because they wanted to control king's power and to strengthen their political basis. So Jibjukwan(執奏官) was abolished and Nasibyeolgams(內侍別監) that had dispatched to many places were reduced. As a result, total number of Nasi was decreased remarkably. But the situation was much different in Ŭijong's period. From the beginning of grasping political power, he increased the numbers of Nasi and picked men of common families and low birth who had been very loyal to king for Nasi to strengthen the royal authority. On the contrary, even if the maternal relatives and the nobles were appointed to Nasi, they didn't almost get trust from king. So the censors who were managed by noble officials strongly resisted to king's attitude, but they couldn't frustrate king's purpose in the end. In the middle of this situation, noble officials showed change in their political attitude. From the 13th year of Ŭijong after when they finished the argument that it was right or wrong to appoint Jŏngham(鄭諴) to Habmunjihu(閤門祗侯), many noble officials began to be friendly with king. And king Ŭijong also appointed a lot of noble officials' sons to Nasi in return for that. But these noble Nasis who were appointed at this period were much different from ones before in their political actions. They were very sincere to king's orders and tried to improve king's authority. They even held the king sacred, and showed degraded act of sticking to eunuches. Such a change of noble Nasis' act caused confliction with Nasis from common families who had showed all the way loyalty to the king from the beginning. To win king's favor, they formed their own groups and competed to present gifts to the king, and were in collusion with eunuches competitively. Owing to this, the status of eunuches went up higher, and in addition, eunuches were concerned with personnel affairs of Jokwannasi(朝官內侍). As a result, they influenced much on lots of government affairs making use of Jokwannasi.

The dispatch of the Korean Envoy to Japan in the late Chosun Dynasty can be interpreted as a by-products interwoven with the motivation of domestic politics and the situation of international politics. The character of the dispatch was fundamentally political, but simultaneously contained a cultural meaning. Anyway, since the middle 17th century, owing to the international situation became stable, the political meaning of the dispatch became decreased, instead the secondary meaning, the cultural exchange gradually emerged. From the beginning the Chosun government emphasized the function of the dispatch as a mean of peaceful maintenance between Korea and Japan by mean of civilization enlightenment. The cultural exchange actions of the Korean envoy to Japan became to be activated from 1682. Among group of the Korean envoy various talented personnel, for example, doctors, clerks, painters, official poet and confucian scholars were included. And in order to emphasize the dignity of the Korean envoy, members of musical band and guard of honor consisted of 100 men. This composition was unique because it was difficult to find the similar composition in the Korean envoy to other country including the Korean envoy to China. Under the national isolation policy of the Togukawa Shogun, the expectation about the envoy and an ardent desire for cultural exchange were widely spread not only into many scholars and intellectuals but also unknown peoples in the Japanese society. The various exchange programs were actively carried out by many officials of the Shogun and the Confusian scholars in the level of each technical areas and academic majors in Edo and other cities. The cultural exchange through the Korean envoy to Japan has influenced on the development of modern Japanese culture including not only Chinese literature and Confucian but also painting, writing and medical science. In addition to this, the dispatch of the Korean envoy to Japan was significant because the intellectuals in Chosun had a good opportunity to reconfirm the Japanese society. The cultural exchange of scholars and peoples through the Korean Envoy to Japan was not politically oriented but pure, since many Japanese peoples' curious reactions were well described in the painting of the Korean Envoy to Japan. I would like to conclude that the peaceful good-neighbor diplomacy and the cultural exchange activity should be fresh illuminated and positively appreciated as a desirable model for the future Korean-Japan relationship.

This article discusses how Korea accept the concept of 'Gomunseo(old documents)' and how the studies on the Gomunseo after 1945 has developed, and points out the limits and problems of arranging the documents of pre-modern archives by the concept of the Gomunseo. By accepting the concept of Gomunseo made by modern Japanese scholar uncritically, it bring about many problems in arranging Gomunseo materials. So I suggest to re-orient the concept of document and record by archival science. Diplomatics in Japan has established as a subsidiary science to history. Prof. Kuroita Katsumi define the document as 'a letter sending from A to B for special purpose', and we accept the concept straightly. Diplomatics of Korea has developed after 1980 when the guide book of Korean diplomatics has published by Prof. Choi Seung-Hee and the Society of Korean Diplomatics has started. But the way of arranging the old documents by concept and classification of Gomunseo which was made by sender and accepter has recently criticized by archival science. Archival science assist the principle of provenance and original order in arranging the old documents. It is not the content in a document but the context of documents for understanding the documents. So new concept of 'Gomunseo' has needed for the archivist and historian. This article survey a case of mistake arranging old documents by the concept and classification of Gomunseo and I assume that the problems are solved by the digitization of the archives.

The process of liquidating the Japan Branch of the Bank of Chosun tells us three things. First, America's liquidating policy toward the Bank of Chosun is the territorial principle ; What is in Japanese territory belongs to Japanese government and What is in Korean territory belongs to Korean government. This principle and the conversion of the Japanese occupation policy was the cause of the dispute between Japan and South Korea. Second, the Japanese government charged the liquidator of the Bank a huge tax payment for special bank. Instead of paying the tax, the liquidator cast his diplomatic burden on the Japanese government and could establish the new company. The Japanese government and the liquidator met again as a country and its people. However, the Japanese government said the Bank of Chosun as general bank in Korea-Japan Negotiation Talks which was denied on the home. Third, the Korean government argued that the Bank of Chosun was Korea's corporations in Korea-Japan Negotiation Talks. This claim reflected the historical particularity as liberation from the colonial and revealed the uniqueness of Chosun banks in colonial compared to Japan's claim.

In late Revitalizing Reform period, Park administration proclaimed Emergency Measure No. 9, emphasizing national security by advocating the danger of communization of the Korean Peninsula, following Indochina. Emergency Measure No. 9 stigmatized all actions against government policy as 'pro-communist', blockading any criticism on the system. Labor movement was one of them. Although Korean Labor Organization became more pro-government, Protestant industrial mission was an exception. The actions taken by them, the extremely small part of Protestant, were isolated from the overall current of administration-friendly Protestant through anti-communism. The industrial mission stood against the strong suppression by being the opposition of the government in addition to the enterprises and labor organization under protection of the administration with Develop First Distribute Later policy. They conscientized female workers through small group activities and supported labor movement. The strife of laborers to improve labor condition and establish democratic labor union gradually became systematized and intensified；developed the solidarity with distinguished men out of office as well as student movement. Park administration suppressed them in various ways as it was threatened by the continuous solidarity of labor movement and anti-system force. 'Pro-communist' was the justification for the government to attack the industrial mission. However, it was not so easy to condemn the industrial mission being pro-communist, for it was a missionary group of Protestant, which had been contributing much in the establishment of Revitalizing Reform system of anti-communist Park administration. Also, the global press including the United States could not be ignored, for the industrial mission was the project supported by World church and American church. Hence, Park Administration countermined Protestant force to attack the industrial mission. 1970s and 1980s was when Christianity was active as the main democratization force in Korean society. However, the Protestant conservative force took part in suppressing and condemning the industrial mission activities as pro-communist, using administration, collusion and theological theory for their profit and expansion of religious influence. Protestant conservative force here did not signify conservative association only. It consisted of all christian businessmen strongly rejecting the industrial mission taking the side of labor movement and laborers despite associations, as well as the force pursuing conservative theology in any association pretending to be progressive. Nevertheless, Park administration's plan to destroy the industrial mission by cornering it as pro-communist under cooperation with Protestant failed. Hence conflict arose within the association caused by this issue；the diplomatic relations with the United States advocating the world church and human rights diplomacy had to be considered. Ultimately, Park administration had to stop condemning the industrial mission being pro-communist and find a point of compromise, for the overall Protestant had to be dealt to maintain the Revitalizing Reform system.