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The purpose of this paper is to examine how the discussions of King Sejo's perception of Sayuksin had changed while reinstatement and posthumous honoring of them were directed during the latter part of the Chosun Dynasty. This study also intends to investigate the influence of the changes on the process of reinstatement and posthumous honoring of Sayuksin. It has been argued that before the official efforts for the reinstatement and posthumous honoring were made, King Sejo had inwardly regarded Sayuksin and the supporters of Danjong as royal subjects. There are three indications supporting this argumentation; Regarding Sayuksin, first, King Sejo mentioned, "they were traitorous subjects at their time but royal subjects for the later generation." Next, when King Sejo visited Donghak-Sa, a buddhist temple, he gave an order to pay homage to Danjong, Sayuksin, and others. In the admonitory letter King Sejo wrote to the crown prince, third, he wrote, "I had many difficulties but you would have peaceful time." By writing this, King Sejo implied that his son did not need to follow the decision which had killed Sayuksin and others branded as traitors. The discussion was designed to resolve the contradiction between legitimacy of King Sejo's government and Confucian elites's popular beliefs of Sayuksin as royal subjects. That is, mitigating the conflict was needed as the concept, 'Sayuksin as royal subjects', became approved publicly during the latter part of the Chosun Dynasty. Therefore, those argumentations were based on neither reliable documents nor historical grounds. Rather, they were the results of logical inferences based on the already existing memories of Sayuksin. For this, fragmentary records and stories were interpreted broadly. For those in the era, it was meaningless to question whether the story was true or debate how much trustful the ground of the argument was. Resultantly, confucian elites's memories of Sayuksin were changed and King Sejo's perception of Sayuksin was then added to their discussion. In this way, the memory of Sayuksin as royal subjects became an official and authoritative one of the country and both King and confucian elites were satisfied with the memory.

King Danjong's uncle, namely Sir Suyang Daegun/首陽大君, staged the Gyaeyu year/癸酉靖難 political revolt, and seized power. He took away the throne from his nephew, and the famous 6 vassals(六臣) of the Jibhyeon-jeon/集賢殿 office failed in the attempts to reinstate Danjong. Danjong was demoted to Nosan-gun/魯山君, and the 6 vassals were summarily executed. In the reign of king Sukjong, Nosan-gun was reinstated to become Danjong once again, and all the honor of the 6 vassals were restored. During king Yeongjo's reign the historical places related to Danjong were renovated, and the loyal vassals were again honored. And in the reign of king Jeongjo, an altar(配食壇) was settled at the Jangreung/莊陵 mausoleum(Danjong's grave), and all the tablets of the people who were harmed or hurt for the late king were enshrined there, bringing a bookend to the task of honoring Danjong and his followers.

Examined in this article is how the 'Vassals of King Danjong' were further rewarded in the 19th century, and how their past actions were honored during king Sunjo's reign. King Jeongjo wanted to complete the rewarding process of Danjong, by constructing the Bae'shik-dan/配食壇 altar and compiling the Jang'reung Sa'bo/莊陵史補(History of the King buried in Jang'reung) chronicles. Yet after Jeongjo's death, the process was reopened as king Sunjo ascended to the throne and further rewarding was implemented. In order to consolidate the young king's status who was only recently enthroned, the actions of Danjong's loyal vassals had to be brought to people's attentions once again, and in the process, certain figures like Yi Jong Geom/李宗儉 and Yi Ji Hwal/李智活, who either displayed questionable actions or did not leave any records to corroborate his own actions, were also included in the pool of rewarded figures. Such inclusion clearly went against king Jeongjo's original intentions. And added to that, in the 7th year of Sunjo's reign, Park Gyu Sun/朴奎淳 authored Jang'reung-ji Sok'pyeon/莊陵誌續編 and forwarded it to the king. It was essentially an act of nullifying the existence of Jang'reung Sa'bo, as from its very title the book declared itself as a supplementary version to Jang'reung-ji (and not Jang'reung Sa'bo). It was the intention of the people involved in this publication to establish Sunjo's orders as actions that were implemented in the very spirit of king Jeongjo's former efforts. As a result, the authority and status of Jang'reung Sa'bo was rendered significantly irrelevant.

When punishing the conspirators of Danjong restoration incident, Joseon court extended the penalty to include the leaders' sons-in-law. The action was not stated in Daemyeongnyul, the Great Ming Code. Joseon court practiced a law outside the Great Code. Why did Joseon make the special arrangement?For a long time, people of Joseon practiced Namguiyeogahon. A newly-wed couple lived with the wife's family for a certain period of time. Such practice gave sons-in-law and their fathers an opportunity to develop close relationship. The relationship between grandfathers and their maternal grandsons was also very intimate. Sons-in-law often benefitted from powerful fathers-in-law, but they were also associated with the fathers' crimes. The grandchildren of Seong Sam-Moon, the leader of Danjong restoration incident, were disadvantaged because of their maternal grandfather's crime. The first grandchild, Park Jeng, gave up on civil service examination and spent his whole life in the countryside. His younger brother Park Ho served in the court, but as a traitor's grandson, he met many difficulties throughout his career. And yet, the Park family of Muahn did not stay in the disadvantaged position forever. In the late Joseon, with the re-evaluation of Danjong restoration incident, Park family suddenly started to benefit from what their maternal ancestor had done. They received official posts and charters from the king. Thus, the Park family experienced both the privilege and disgrace, depending on the political situation of the time. The interesting fact is that all these impacts on the Park family, good or bad, were caused by their maternal ancestor Seong Sam-Moon. Such outcome was possible only because the fathers and sons-in-law, grandfathers and maternal grandchildren formed a close relationship in Joseon. It seems that Joseon people thought the mutual assistance between two families linked by marriage as a convenient system. In this way, Joseon enjoyed a family relationship different from that of China. Danjong restoration incident clearly shows the unique family system of Joseon.

In January, 2009, many sheets of small golden bar with a number of offering utensils were excavated from the west Stone Pagoda on the Mireuksa Temple. This paper aims at finding the background of appearance of Gold bar, tracing the circulation situation and examining the meanings of Gold bar in relation with international exchanges with China and Southeast Asia. Additionally, this paper noted that the circumstances which these gold bars remained in West Stone Pagoda on the Mireuksa Temple Site were related with the production of alluvial gold in Iksan and trade ports around Keum-gang river area. As a result, gold bars from the west Stone Pagoda on the Mireuksa Temple were produced to use for the trade with Southeast Asia and countries bordering on the western China. It suggests that King Mu managed Iksan area as a way to maximise the merits of newly launched routes facing the intense competition with Goguryeo and Silla for the supremacy over the Han river area in order to secure the diplomatic superiority toward China after the appearance of Sui and Tang.

During the Joseon dynasty period, the dissolution of a marital relationship mostly proceeded in the form of a husband abandoning his wife. The Joseon government punished such person who abandoned his own wife for no concrete reason, and it extremely limited the issuing of approvals for divorce as well. Examined in this article are whether such policy was really capable of preventing people from privately dissolving their marital relationships or not, and whether such policies really contributed to the protection of the weak(in this case, the wives who were standing on a more precarious ground) or not. The time period examined here is the 15th century, when the foundation of the Joseon dynasty's marriage policies was established. In this time period, people believed that marital relationships were dissolved the moment the wife was abandoned. There was no administrative procedure that had to be taken after the act of abandoning, such as reporting to the authorities or seeking authorization for such act. This means that there might have been many incidents in which the husband or the husband's family arbitrarily decided to abandon the wife. Yet from records, we can only see incidents in which the act of abandoning one's wife answered punishments, or the king did approve such act of abandoning. The remaining of these case records does not mean that the authorities were actually aware of all such incidents of a husband abandoning his wife. These were only cases in which either the husband or wife reported such abandoning to the authorities like the Saheon-bu office, or the abandoning was revealed by a variety of reasons, and the office was obliged to investigate the legitimacy of the reason that was claimed for abandoning the wife. If the investigation of the Saheon-bu office concluded that the wife was abandoned for no concrete reason, then the perpetrator would be punished. Since the reign of king Sejong, according to the 『Dae'Myeong-ryul(大明律)』 law code's Chulcheo-jo(出妻條) clause, the husband who abandoned his wife for no reason would be sentenced to 80 rounds of flogging, and be forced to reunite with his wife. And in the meantime, the king only rarely authorized such divorce to go forward. He only approved it when the wife was clearly responsible for committing a misconduct such as adultery, and did not approve such divorce even when the situation met with conditions (of "legitimate abandoning") dictated in the above-mentioned clause. We can see that the authorities did urge them to resume their previous marriage, only with the exception of cases associated with certain extraordinary situations. Yet as the authorities were not aware of all wife-abandoning incidents, the government's overall efforts to prevent such abandoning from occurring were 'limited' to say the least. And the authorities were not able to prevent the males from abandoning their wives in the first place, and it was unrealistic to have the husband and wife resume their marriage after such 'abandoning' already took place. As a result, the females had to endure unfair situations of being abandoned and expelled by their husbands and their husbands' houses. Joseon dynasty's policy of preventing people from abandoning their wives was only implemented under the notion of obligation, to establish moral principles for the social ruling class and to protect the relationship between a married couple which was the foundation of human relationships, so it showed limitations in actually protecting the status of the wives.

Family registers were used by the country to identify its revenue sources in different regions and provinces. The people, however, did not just sit still and accept the situation as the central government wished to. They responded, in diverse manners, to the attempt of the government to impose and collect taxes. This paper reviewed the family register of an aristocratic family whose surname was Choi. The record shows that the Choi family had frequent change of domicile and an extended family structure. The frequent change of addresses might have been a unique feature that applied to the Choi family, but an extended family structure was very common in aristocratic families at that time. More often than not, change of domicile occurred not in reality but in family registers. In the case of complex extended family structures, siblings' families and collateral families did not live under the same roof with the family of the head of the household. Living in separate residences, these families had independent economic foundation with a number of servants and fields and paddies. Therefore, they were not economically dependent on the family of the head of the household. This kind of arrangement constitutes a piece of evidence which shows that households were organized in response to the effort of the government to impose and collect taxes.

This study looked into properties of the documents in the judicature <Drafting Materials(起案)> as well as the recorded aspects of Hanseong-bu crimes and criminals’ characteristics between 1896 and 1906. Serious crimes sentenced to life imprisonment and above were mostly among total crimes written in <Drafting Materials>, but major offenses like officials’ bribe and embezzlement including political crimes as well as violence, economic, and social crimes were found to be more than 90%. Through this, characteristics of crimes in Hanseong-bu from 1896 to 1906 were summarized as follows. First, property crimes infringing and threatening individual properties were widely committed in Hanseong-bu. The percentage of property crimes dealt with by the judicature between 1896 and 1906 was over 50%, and it increased by more than average 70% in the 1900s. Second, industrialization and urbanization of Hanseong-bu after the Age of Civilization attracted various classes of people into the city, which finally resulted in increases in crimes of Hanseong-bu. 45% of criminals in Hanseong-bu were committed by the eight level of farmers who came up to the city, and among them 57.6% were from Gyeonggi-do. The reason why property crimes were more intensively generated in Hanseong-bu was due to country people’s robbery and theft. Third, crime rates in Dongseo(東署) were highest and areas around Four Doors(4대문) were the crime-racked districts. Major criminals of Hanseong-bu were between 20 to 35 years old, and they were 'Jikyok'(occupational classification) of merchants and craftsmen. Criminals who lived in Hanseong-bu were mostly merchants and craftsmen as well as laborers, unemployed men who had a little properties rather than other 'Jikyok'. In addition, the relations with ages and crime types were found, so that robbery, theft with activity were committed by those who were 20 to 30 years old(57%), and they were major criminals of property crimes. On the contrary, criminals who were aged 26 to 50 committed forge, which showed even age groups than other crimes. In case of crimes of opening a grave, criminals aged 46 to 60 were shown to be more than 60%, so old people were major criminals of the crime rates.

I discovered the document in the Diplomatic Record Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan which Durham W. Stevens concluded a secret agreement with Japanese government as the Japan's foreign adviser. The aim of this thesis is to analysis Stevens' secret agreement, to renew the progress of engaging and conditions of the contract which Stevens made with Korean government as the diplomatic adviser to Korean Department of Foreign Affairs and to re-examine the meaning. Because Komura Jutaro, Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs concluded a secret agreement with Stevens on November 11, 1904, Stevens didn't resigned employee of Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs assigned to the Japanese Legation in Washington D. C.. Stevens and Komura renewed the contract which expired on March 30, 1905 and Stevens maintained his position until March 31, 1910. Drafts that Japanese government made on April 8, 1905 and July, 1906 prove this clearly. Since draft in 1905 wasn't formally engaged, agreement should be made again. According to this dual contract, he earned 1700 yen a month that 800 yen from Korean government, 200 yen additional payment from Japanese government and 700 from Japanese government as a Japanese agent. And he was guaranteed his position until 1910. Like this, Japanese government treated him specially and induced his loyalty for Japan. Komura secured his position in Japan and notified him that he will notice, discuss and approve with Japanese Minister to Korea Hayashi Gonsuke for Korean diplomatic problem when he became a diplomatic adviser. Komura stressed that Japanese government trust that Stevens will act faithfully. Stevens was just a puppet that acted for Japanese interests. Komura also ordered Hayashi that this agreement should be kept secret. It means that Japanese government also recognized that this secret agreement was illegal and immoral. So Japanese government devoted to cover the agreement itself. Stevens made a contact with Korean government on December 27, 1904. He became the diplomatic adviser to Korean Department of Foreign Affairs officially but actually was Japan's foreign adviser to work for the interests of the Japan. He supervised and controled the diplomacy of Korea and as a result Japanese Minister to Korea and Ministry of Foreign Affairs undertook Korea's diplomacy informally and actually.

The primary political force appeared by ‘New Knowledge Group’ that acquired by systemic western’s democratic ideas in the beginning of 1920’s. These were definite influenced by the Japanese National sovereignty and the British New Liberalism from late 19 century to early 20’s century besides by interchange with Taishow democracy of the leaders. The New Liberalism is applied to limits on private possession by capitalism inclination on the riches to distribute evenly and fairly and the idea of social reform in emphasizing in nation’s social duty, but it was idea of system internal ideology to solve in that point was to pursue social balance and combined and instead of reformation on social confliction and opposition of democratic system. Song Chin Woo was a key person in Dong A Daily editorial in year 1925 reflect on New Liberalism strongly. In the matter on 3․1 movements to share modern society’s idea and republicanism’s idea and in patriotic movement to contrived social, economical foundation’s racial movement he valued very high but he point out that without systemic groundwork of center force was nature occurrence. The leader group at Dong A Daily proceed reviewing related on finding direction for racial movement comparing the geopolitics colonies between Korea and the Ireland which was a one of victorious country’s colony of The Fist World War. Racial movement in Ireland was lead of Sinn-Fein Party was conclude in established to Republic of Ireland in 1922, this was Sinn Fein’s result on militated racial movement to breakdown on British’s control. Dong A Daily positively evaluated inside of Sinn Fein’s the moderate party line not the Irish Nationalist party. At the time of the nationalist separated by Korea’s idea’s Assimilationism, Autonomism (internal independence theory), The idea of independence, Socialism was the typical power of the independence idea same name with Dong A Daily and Dong Myoung. They were separated by the independence idea and autonomism besides they were existed as a separated politic power. The Dong A Daily consider the internal independence movement in Dong-Gwang Group as a Pro-Japanese movement.