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In this study, I examine the historical significance of the myth of SeondoSeongmo (the Holy Mother) in Silla, which was appeared in "Samguksagi(Officail History of the Three Kingdoms)" and "Samgungnyusa(Memoirs of Three Kingdoms)". The myth of SeondoSeongmo showed that Silla had the another founding myth in which dynastic founder was born by his mother, adding to widespread founding myth of Hyeok-geo-se which was myth of human birth from Egg. This myth of the mother of dynastic founder which was established in the name of SeondoSeongmo had the meaning as Silla founding myth. In this myth, the dynastic founder relating to SeondoSeongmo was Aryeong, known to us as the spouse of the dynastic founder Hyeok-geo-se. The myth of SeondoSeongmo had background in the area of mountain Seondo (or Seo-ak). The original name of mountain Seondo was "Soo-ri", which meant the top, or high. Also, the area of mountain Seondo had many cultural rermed mains of Silla since pre-historical period. It meant this area had great significance in the history of Silla. I think that mountain Seondo was related to Dolsan goheochon which was one of the six villages, formed Saroguk which was ancient Silla. Dolsan goheochon was leading village in Gyeongju area before the power leaded by Hyeok-geo-se was gathering strength. Mountain Seondo was the Holy mountain of Dolsan goheochon and worshiped as the Holy mountain of Saroguk in early days when Dolsan goheochon kept a hold of Gyeongju area. However, Dolsan goheochon lost the initiative when the power leaded by Hyeok-geo-se was gathering strength. Consequently, the status of mountain Seondo was changing. With this change, the founding myth of Silla was organized with Hyeok-geo-se as the central figure.

The address terms which the Koryo used in 918-993 for the Khitans, were reexamined in the paper. The Koryo described the Khitans as "immoral(無道)", "bestial nation(禽獸之國)", "tough and vicious country(强惡之國)", "barbarians(戎狄)". Previous researches have argued that these phrases directly shows how much the Koryo disdained the Khitans. However, the neutral phrases for the Khitans, such as "they(彼)", "that country(彼國)", "the foreign country(外國)", are also used in the same period. Moreover, if we re-read the despising terms in the 'context' including the speaker, the listener(s), and the communication situation, it is not convincing that the Koryo selected those terms only to contemn the Khitans. This paper also focused on the terms used when the Koryo defined their relations with the Khitans. The frequently chosen word was "neighbouring(隣)". Another significant phrase that reveals the Koryo's conception on the relations with the Khitans was "getting along with the neighbours(交隣)". The Koryo differentiated "getting along with the neighbours(交隣)" from "serving the powerful(事大)". Why and how the Koryo separate those two different foreign relations is further argued in the paper.

The organization of Nasi changed a lot after king Myoung-jong came to the throne with military revolution. A lot of new officials were picked for Nasis than before. However, there were not lots of surroundings of the king, and it was rare for military officials to be Nasis. Meanwhile, civil officials who kept friendly relationship with military ones were nominated to Nasis. In the 3rd year of Myoung-jong, some Nasis from civil officials took part in Kim Bo-dang's(金甫當) rebellion which was against military revolution. So military rulers actively drew up a plan of nominating military officials who could play a role of civil officials at the same time, instead of taking Nasis from civil officials. Lee Ryn(李隣), Lee Eŭi-bang's(李義方) brother, was the first man whose brother was the most powerful ruler. On the other hand, the government continued to appoint competent civil officials to Nasis for a high degree of efficiency. As a result, the number of Nasis increased a lot enough to exceed the fixed number of people. By this time, king almost lost his ruling power; He couldn't control properly the authority of human, and the power of punishment and amnesty as well as his military power. As well, he could not help following the military rulers' decision even when it comes to the matter of appointing Nasis who had to support him. So it happened that many Nasis were loyal to military rulers who had strong power, not to the king. It continued to the period of Gyoung Dae-seung's(慶大升) military rule. Therefore, in the 14th year of Myoung-jong, the political situation began to change with Lee Eŭi-min's(李義旼) military rule. King's power was recoverd around finance and personnel administration significantly. The king's surroundings including Nasis, Royal families, sons of King's concubine, and some civil officials made it possible. And it caused to change the organization and political character of Nasis. The number of Nasis who kept friendly relationship with the king increased a lot. And the organization of Nasis started to keep new balance breaking the frame that was composed of members who were co-operative to military rulers. For this reason, Choi Chung-hyeon(崔忠獻) expelled a lot of Nasis who were close to the king and took the crown from the king. He had to remove not only the military ruler, Lee Eŭi-min, but also king Myoung-jong and the king's helpers to confirm the basis of political power, because king Myoung-jong had already recovered his ruling power a lot with the help of Nasis. From this point of view, we can say Choi Chung-hyeon's rule the second military revolution that collapsed again the restoration of the royal regime, not simple military ruler's exchange.

Analyzed in this article, are the property distribution documents that were produced by the Jeon'eui Yi Family members who resided in the Gwangju area for generations during the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty. Such task is attempted that we could examine how the civilian properties of the Joseon houses were distributed and inherited to the next generation, and how those practices actually changed over the years. General practices of such sort did change, from the habit of distributing the property equally to all offsprings("均分"), to the habit of distributing them 'unequally,' and then eventually to the habit of providing only the eldest with all of the property, based upon the 'determination to observe the Clan code'(宗法意識). Yet the actual process of such transformation showed differences from region to region, and from houses to houses. The titular Yi house went through such transformation in the latter half of the 17th century and the early half of the 18th. In a document of property distribution issued in the year 1697, the daughters were exempted(actually excluded) from the duty of holding memorial services for the ancestors, and in the document of 1748 it was dictated to provide all the properties from the ancestors to the eldest son alone, and only distribute the properties acquired or obtained by the parent(財主) to the other children. Then, on the other hand, the Mun'hwa Yu house, which was the in-law house of the Yi house at this time, was still observing the principle of 'equal distribution' that had been dictated in the Joseon dynastic law code 『Gyeong'guk Daejeon』. We can see that even when both houses were connected to each other through a marital relationship, the Yi house was more adamant in observing the Clan code than the Yu house was. The practice of inheriting the property only to the eldest son, was to provide him with necessary amount of financial power that would help him meet the duty and obligation to hold memorial services for the ancestors and also continue management of the family mountain where the graves of the ancestors were located. And such practice was also promoted in order to prevent the whole amount of properties(that had been established for decades) from actually shrinking, which could have happened when properties were equally distributed among children.

On this paper, I concretely analyzed the compilation system of 『Joseonsa(朝鮮史)』 by Joseonsa pyeonsuhoe(朝鮮史編修會) and of the first book of Vol. 1. Compared the compilation system og 『Joseonsa(朝鮮史)』 with that of Japanese modern source book, and Compared the contents of the first book of Vol. 1 with those of 『Samguksagi(三國史記)』 and 『Samgungnyusa(三國遺事)』. We can say that well arranged 『Samguksagi(三國史記)』 and 『Samgungnyusa (三國遺事)』, an epigraph and so forth, and compiled in a chronological order. Joseonsa pyeonsuhoe systematically arranged almost every historical records could know a year, and one by one checked original text of each record. But there are some misprints and omitted words, and fairly many records sure that it is before than the year 668 are omitted. It is widely different with assertion of Joseonsa pyeonsuhoe that it is very correct chronological form's history book. Especially, record of a chronological table in 『Samguksagi(三國史記)』 ‘The history of Haedong(海東) is succeed to Gija(箕子) and Wiman(衛滿)' was excluded, and put the clause of 「Gojoseon(古朝鮮)」 in 『Samgungnyusa(三國遺事)』 in the coronation year clause of Dongmyeongseongwang(東明聖王) in Goguryeo(高句麗). It was because of the purpose that they did not admit Dangun sinhwa(檀君神話) and Gojoseon(古朝鮮). The title of 『Joseonsa(朝鮮史)』 is the title of history book published in the form of description, not perfect in the source book. There were worry and the limit of historian could not describe Korean history book corresponded with Colonial control of Japanese imperialism.

When signing the “Treaty of Kanghwa”, Japan used all the tactics which the Western Powers had used against them to sign unequal treaties with Chosun and even took a step further with the low rate tariffs it forced on Korea. Once Chosun noticed the issue of having no tariffs, they did everything possible in order to fix the problem and such experience helped them to deal with the Western powers in regards to laws on tariffs in the future. The first time in which Chosun’s tariff rights were recognized was in May 1882, through the “Treaty of Amity and Commerce between the United States of America and Corea”. The “Treaty of Amity and Commerce between the United States of America and Corea” was an unequal treaty which consisted of articles related to undeserved privileges and extraterritorial rights but the profit on tariffs was much higher, namely 10% and 30%, than the 7.5% and 5% America forced upon China and Japan. The only flaw to such tariff laws was the fact that the detailed regulations were not specified. Once America signed the “Treaty of Amity and Commerce between the United States of America and Corea” many other Western forces also tried to sign treaties with Chosun. The British were particularly interested in signing treaties with Chosun and in June 1882, the “Treat of Friendship and Commerce between Great Britain and Corea” was established. But because the tariff, being 10% and 30%, was 5 % higher than that of China’s, Britain was greatly criticized by British diplomats, the press, and merchants. Such criticisms led Britain to making a few amendments to the treaty. In September 1882, when the “Korea-China Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade” was established, Harry Parks analyzed it in relation to the “Treat of Friendship and Commerce between Great Britain and Corea”. In order to dissolve the inequality portrayed within the treaties which it signed with the Western forces and recover its reputation, China delivered to Britain its opinion that the original “Treat of Friendship and Commerce between Great Britain and Corea” should be ratified. But in July 1883, since Japan signed the “Regulation under Which Japanese Trade is to be Conducted in Corea and Import and Export Tariff of Corea”, China also approved of the amendments made to the “Treat of Friendship and Commerce between Great Britain and Corea”. Although the “Treat of Friendship and Commerce between Great Britain and Corea” had the limitation that the tariff on basic imports was a low rate of 7.5%, there is great significance in the fact that through the establishment of detailed rules and minor regulations, Chosun’s trade laws became much more systematic and organized. Since the “Japan-Korea Protectorate Treaty”, the western forces, under the reputation as a protectorate, didn’t allow Korea and Japan to establish a tariff agreement. The Western Forces attitude towards the Korea-Japan Annexation issue was ambiguous but they actively defended any situation that would lead to financial damage of their own nations. The British forces in particular looked over Korea’s tariff issues with great interest. By August of 1910, Japan promised to keep Korea’s tariff the same for 10 years, even after the “Annexation of Korea”. However, since Japan made amendments to the unequal treaties they previously signed with the Western forces on July 1911, they forced various tax related laws upon Korea in March 1912 and also forced colonization tariffs without the approval of the Western forces. Japan had also changed the regulations that they originally forced upon Korea multiple times to their own advantage. In the end, on August 1920, the colonization tariffs were officially established.

20세기 초, 만주에 대한 일제의 침략야욕이 날로 팽배되면서 일제는 저들의 군사적 침략과 더불어 교육침략도 본격화하였다. 만주침략에 재만조선인을 효과적으로 이용하고 만주일대의 독립운동을 미연에 차단하기 위하여 조선총독부를 선두로 일제는 1908년 조선인들이 가장 많이 집거하여 있는 용정촌에 간도보통학교를 설립하여 저들의 식민주의교육에 착수하였다. 뿐만 아니라 보조서당을 설립하거나 기존의 조선인사립학교에 보조금을 지급하는 형식으로 잡거지내의 조선인교육에 대한 침투를 꾀하였으며 조선인민족주의 교육기관에 대하여서는 무력적 탄압도 마다하지 않았다. 20년대에 진입하면서 일제의 만주침략행보가 가속화되면서 일제의 식민주의교육도 진일보 본격화되었다. 1910년대 조선총독부를 중심으로 하던 단일한 식민주의교육의 전개는 1920년대에 들어서면서 만철 및 일본인개인 등으로 다양하게 확대되었으며 교육의 성격, 및 내용에서도 “충량한 국민”양성과 저급노동력양성을 취지로 한 ‘국어’교육과 직업교육을 실시하였다. 따라서 일제통제하의 재만조선인교육은 식민지주의라는 특정된 정치목적에 종속되어 대외학장과 식민통치의 목적을 달성하는 방편으로 전락되었으며 동화교육과 우민화교육이라는 적나라한 식민주의 교육으로 특징지어진다.

The 1920s saw the emergence of various youth organizations across the Korean Peninsula. In Seosan alone such organizations as the Seosan Youth Association, Taean Youth Association, the Seosan Brance of the Cheondogyo Youth Association, and the Seosan Ebwit Youth Association were formed. Considering the boom in youth organizations being formed across the nation, Seosan saw relatively few organizations, whose most remarkable activities during this period were limited to promoting the ‘Culture Movement’ of the day and hosting itinerary lecture circuits by the Tokyo Branch of the Cheondogyo Youth Association and the Joseon Youth Association. From the mid-1920s on, socialism swept up the youth movements. Socialism was first introduced to the Seosan region in 1924 by Lee Jong-man, who was Cheondogyo bishop of Seosan at the time and who frequently interacted with the socialists of the Cheondogyo Old Guard. In and around 1924, teen and labor movement organizations were created in Seoul to further promote the cause of socialism. Other youth organizations were formed as well, including the Seoryeong Youth Association, Haemi Youth Association, Haemi Hyeongpyeong Youth Association, and Taean Hyeongpyeong Youth Association. With the exception of Seoryeong and Haemi Youth Associations, most of these new organizations were relatively inactive, however. The Taean Youth Association, which also adopted an socialist line, noticeably reduced its activities after 1925. While the Seoryeong Youth Association was created as a radical organization, it could not act as a radical youth association since its major figures came from the local landholding class. While some revolutionary figures sought to transform the association by incorporating it into the labor movement, most of its activities were confined to running night schools and holding lectures and debates geared towards popular enlightenment. In late 1927, the radical organizations that appeared in Seosan included the Seoryeong Youth Association and the Haemi Labor Union that sought to eradicate the class system. With the organization of the Seosan Labor Youth Association in January 1928, the proletariat movement spread fast among the youth associations, with local district organizations being formed. The activities of the Seosan Labor Youth Association culminated in the organization of the Seosan Youth Federation in August of the same year. Even though the federation was created as a single central youth organization to encompass all other similar organizations in Seosan, it failed to bring all the youth organizations under its fold. The young people of Seosan also succeeded in creating the Seosan Branch of the Shinganhoe, which was a federation of all nationalist organizations for the United Nationalist Movement. The leaders and executives of existing youth organizations in Seosan played a vital role in creating the Seosan branch of the Shinganhoe. The youth organizations in Seosan conformed to the ‘new movement policy’ of the Joseon Youth Federation.

This paper argues that the stereotypical image of 'wise mother and good wife' and its underlying logic were reconstructed through the complicated process of competition, negotiation, and mixture of diverse temporality/spatiality of modernities in colonial Korea. The main purposes of this paper are to expose the derivative nature of the “modernity”, to investigate the way how it was appropriated in the colonial Korea, and to disclose the duplicitous and essentialistic understanding of modernity. The ideal of 'wise mother and good wife' has its origin in the West and has become popular as a national resistance against the western imperialism and colonialism in the early of 20C in Korea through the slow but persistent process of imitation, resistance, and reconstruction. Accordingly, the very modern nature of this ideal was a complex compound of the diverse currents of thoughts at the time. It functioned not only as an intrinsic duty of women but also an essential part of the indigenous Korean culture. This essentialistic reception of “wise mother and good wife” has made a continuing impacts on the various ways women deal with this stereotypical gender model which naturalizes and essentializes not only the gender role but also the paradigm of the nation-state and modernity.

The purpose of this study is to closely examine the debate between the ROK-US in foreign exchange control and reconstruction plan under aid program focusing on Korea Industrial Bank's establishment and 'Rhee plan'. The matter of influence over foreign exchange was a key point of contention between the two parties in the context of the discussions involving the ROK-US Aid Agreement. However, as the Aid Agreement came to a close, the ROK government was in no position but to recognize the US the right to influence foreign exchange in Korea, as the control over the aid fund was in the hands of the US government as well as the matter of UN Forces loan redemptions. This prompted President Rhee to seek other means to ensure that ROK retains reasonable control over its own foreign exchange management and the creation of the KIB is believed to be a consequence of this effort. 'Rhee plan' was written report by James H. R. Cromwell. President Rhee supported this report. The structure of Korean Reconstruction Finance Corporation(KRFC) proposed in this report was similar to that of Korea Industrial Bank. It was under strong state control. 'Rhee Plan' was proposed that KRFC should be directly supervised and controlled by the President, in view of ensuring its stable financing by means of foreign capital introduction, as well as the careful attention paid in setting the relationship between the Combined Economic Board (CEB) and the board of the KRFC. The US opposed the establishment of the KRFC, citing the reason that a strong state control over it will prove unhelpful in inducing private capital investment. Thus, the creation of the Industrial Bank and 'Rhee Plan' should be understood more in the extended context of the economic aid agreement and post-war reconstruction plan to secure a dominant influence over foreign exchange control.