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This paper attempts to arrange the aspects of commemorating ceremonies for Taejo(Goryeo’s first king) in the Goryeo period and search for the features of the management of the Goryeo dynasty by arranging that these ceremonies were transcendentalize to be some kind of cults and beliefs. For this purpose, firstly I examine the consecration of the royal blood and the birth of Taejo. Secondly,I arrange how the commemoration for Taejo reflected in the ancestral rites of national level. Finally, I try to find the commemoration for Taejo relating the belief and religion. By this process, I have come to some conclusion. The blood and birth of Taejo was consecrated by the records of that time and the emblazonment of late time. Taejo, who left Hunyo 10cho(10injunctions for his successor to observe) and accomplished the unification of three Han, was reproduced periodically in the ancestral rites of national level and the activity for religion and belief as the divine progenitor. He was also the object of wish for national safety. From these phenomena, we can understand the meaning of the cult and religion for Taejo. Eventually Goryeo was able to establish the appropriateness of rule by the establishment of royal identity and authority from the fact that Taejo was the divine progenitor relating the dragon. As we can see in Yeondeunghoe(Lotus lamp ceremony) and Palgwanhoe(Assembly of Eight Prohibitions), it became one of the principle for the integration of society.

Eastern Jurchen pirates’ invasions on Goryeo’s east coastal regions, which had emerged since the year of 1005, were the most intense in King Hyeonjong’s reign. Eastern Jurchen piracy in the 11th century was committed by Jurchen people belonging to Jurchen tribes called ‘Poromota’. ‘Poromota’ was a collective name on Eastern Jurchen tribes recorded in Liaoshi(遼史), and Poromota Jurchen tribes mainly resided in Duman River’s middle and lower basin, Posyet Bay area of current Russian Maritime Province, and northeast coastal regions of the Korean Peninsula. Because Poromota Jurchen tribes could not establish their own united kingdom, despite Eastern Jurchen’s invasions continued for about a hundred years, various differences based on time series are seen in terms of invasions’ scale and main body. Eastern Jurchen pirates’ invasions were the most intense during the early 11th century when Poromota Jurchen’s influence was the strongest, but after the 1030’s Goryeo’s influence was more expanded toward Jurchen tribes and the piracy dramatically shrank in. Although Eastern Jurchen invasions suddenly increased in around the year of 1050 due to familiarized relations between Poromota Jurchen and the Khitans, in the late 11th century Goryeo’s control over Eastern Jurchen tribes was solidified and Eastern Jurchen piraties’ invasions outstandingly decreased.

Donggungsiwigongjas started to be picked at the 8th year of King Munjong(文宗) belonged to the palace of Crown Prince, but they were not officials who took care of its affairs. They were friends that got along well with the Crown Prince, studying and playing. For this reason, they were called Donggunghakwoo(東宮學友) or Chunbanghakwoo(春坊學友), and they also had several different names like Chunbanggongja(春坊公子), Chunbangsihak(春坊侍學), Sihakgongja(侍學公子). They were the group of twenty persons whose father were at the position of the fifth degree of official rank or grandfather at the third. Besides these Donggungsiwigongjas, there were Donggungsiwigeubsas(東宮侍衛給使) that consisted of ten persons,and their fathers and grandfathers had lower ranks than Donggungsiwigongjas’. Donggungsiwigongjas were the selected ones that were a little older than the Crown Prince; He was generally installed to the Crown Prince at the age of seven or eight. They were selected with establishment of the Crown Prince’s office which generally had been made before the installation of the Crown Prince. They were picked by the recommendation, not by examination. And when there caused a vacancy, it was filled up afterwards. Jwachunbang(左春坊) which was a part of the Crown Prince’s office and at the same time had roles of chamberlain and counsellor took on managing them. As they were not officials, they didn’t receive an economic benefit in return, such as Gwajŏn(科田) or salary(祿俸). Donggungsiwigongja system was the result of King Munjong’s strong intention that he wanted to succeed his oldest son to the throne; As he had experienced of coming to the throne clearing away his nephews, he worried about the happening of such a same situation. Through the medium of this system, King Munjong intended to ensure the Crown Prince’s stable succession to the throne by reinforcing political ties between Crown Prince and noble officials. Noble officials also agreed to put this system in operation, because they thought their sons could rise in the world rapidly on the basis of relationship with Crown Prince who was going to hold the power in the future. In short,Donggungsiwigongja was another product that the king and noble officials made to share their political benefit with one accord.

The purpose of this article is to examine the background for sudden emergence of kesig, a system of Mongol Empire in Goryeo Korea and to find its meaning. The Goryeo situation in the late 13th century before and after the emergence of kesig was very complex. Internally, the Goryeo military regime sustained for a long period of 100 years led politics and the king’s authority was gravely eroded and the king was virtually excluded from the political power structure. Externally, Goryeo had a war with Mongol for almost 3 decades and finally surrendered and returned to the capital of Gaegyeong from Gangwha-island. Goryeo was in a critical situation to maintain the nation against the Mongol Empire. The dethronement of Wonjong(r.1259～1274) by Im Yeon in 1269 made Chungryol(r.1274～1308) then the crown prince feel all the more the need for the strengthening of the royal authority. Chungryol also had a perception that the Mongol Empire which had accommodated his request and aided the reinstatement of Wonjong was a friendly nation that Goryeo was able to receive help from. King Chungryol who had had a favorable impression about Mongolsince he was a crown prince stayed at the capital of the empire as a hostage under the empire’s traditional dominance method for its conquered land. During this period, he married Princess Qutluk Khelmish, daughter of Qubilai Khan, Mongol’s 5th Great Khan and Yuan dynasty’s founder, and experienced the kesig system, a close associate organization, operated by royal family as like prince, princess,and the son-in-law of emperor while staying as a hostage. He learned how royal family of Mongol utilized close associates politically and was aware that he was the son-in-law of the Mongol khan. King Chungryol ascended the throne after Wonjong and he actively accommodated Mongol customs. Goryeo’s political system was reorganized partly by the demand of the Mongol Empire, and regardless of the empire’s demand, Qorchi(royal guard, 1274), Sibauci(falconry unit;Korean Eungbang, 1274), and Bitikchi(scribe for official documents,1278) were established one after another over 4 years from his enthronement. They were sub-units of Mongol kesig, which had a private relationship with the king, forming relationship between master and servant and through which the king was able to dominate the public national organizations. King Chungryol attempted to deal with important matters and keep a tight reins on the government through them; Bitikchi was even called ‘another Chancellors outside government building’(別廳宰樞, byeol cheong jae chu). Through Qorchi, he secured protection and safety from danger and further sought for direct control of the military power by expanding the escort organization. Eungbang that took charge of capture and dedication of falcons was utilized as a negotiation window with Mongol and as a means to secure economic power; for example,obtaining capital for overseas trade. Under this process, King Chungryol appointed his close associates and had them operate these organizations and they often committed illegal wrong-doings while running the kesig. Therefore conflicts between the bureaucracy and the kesig were severe but King Chungryol actively advocated the kesig organization. As Yun Su, a key close associate who operated Eungbang, died(1283) and other close associates took high positions and dominated the right to implement personnel management, the usefulness of the kesig to King Chungryol decreased. Therefore, Eungbang was changed into a temporary government office for falconry(Eungbang-dogam) and Bitikchi was absorbed into Jeongbang; the kesig was transformed into a public organization (institution). King Chungryol attempted to strengthen his royal authority by having close associates dominate the political, military, and economic (financial) cores. To this end, he introduced the kesig of the Mongol Empire that may be dominantly run by him with much political usefulness.

Sejong-Chronicle has a lot of appendices unlike other Chronicles of Joseon. I point out as a reason for the inclusion of various appendices that many government officials, who had compiled the History of Goryeo in a biological style, were involved in the compilation of the Chronicle. We have records of the decision for the compilation of Sejong-Chronicle in a chronological style, but no records about the reasons for the inclusion of appendices. With regard to the first appendix “Five Rites”, we have records of two discussions that led to the decision not to include them as an appendix. With the examination of the discussions I look into the details of the compilation of the Five Rites in Sejong-Chronicle. The first discussion concerns whether they should compile ceremonial notes made in Sejong’s reign as a separate appendix or include them as chronological records by date. The second discussion was about whether they should include the ceremonial notes on the Five Rites compiled by Byeon Hyo-mun and others with the order of the king in the year of Sejong 26. In both cases it was decided not to include them as an appendix Nonetheless, Sejong-Chronicle now has the Five Rites as the first appendix. The details of the revision remain unknown. In this article I affirm that the Five Rites and the ceremonial notes contained in Sejong-Chronicle cannot constitute a separate appendix in their present form. The Five Rites, introduced by Byeon Hyo-mun, Jeong Cheok, and others, consisted of ceremonial notes(儀註) and ceremonial illustrations(序例). Their results were unfinished at the time. They still had to correct the errors in the notes and illustrations themselves. They also had to make them a consistent and systematic whole. Even though the Five Rites of Sejong-Chronicle did not sufficiently reflect the various efforts to revise the ceremonies during Sejong’s reign, and there were problems with the consistency and systematicity, it is also true that they were an important turning point in the process of improvements in the National ceremonies in the early Joseon.

조선후기 대일교역의 특징을 잘 보여주는 대표적인 물품 중 하나에 말이 있었다. 말은 일반무역에서는 취급되지 않았으며, 통신사행 때 가져가는 공예단품 외에는 오직 求貿를 통해서만 거래되었다. 구무는 公․私貿易 혹은 回賜․求請과는 별도로 대마도 측의 특별한 요청으로 이루어지는 교역이다. 말은 국가에서 관리하는 馬政의 대상인 데다가 몸집도 크고 살아있는 동물이어서 조달과 유통 등에 여러 어려움이 있었다. 하지만 조선정부에서는 대마도를 통제하고 일본막부와도 교린관계를 유지하는 수단의 하나로 말 교역을 적극 활용했다. 그것은 말이 막부 측의 지시와 필요에 따르거나 혹은 대마도에서 막부에 바치기 위한 용도로 사용되는 등, 경제적 의미 뿐 아니라 정치적 의미도 강하게 띠고 있었기 때문이다. 본 논문에서는 조선후기 구무를 통한 말 교역의 실태와 성격을 살펴봄으로써 조일관계의 특징의 일면을 파악하는 것을 목적으로 했다. 말 교역은 17세기 초반부터 18세기 중반까지 계속되었다. 대마도에서는 대략 120여필 이상을 요청해왔으며, 조선에서 실제로 지급한 수량은 80필 내외였다. 교역의 주체는 대조선외교와 무역에 관한 권한을 위임받은 대마도였지만, 실제로 말을 사용하는 것은 막부 측이었다. 대마도에서는 참근교대시 막부에 말을 바치기 위해서 혹은 막부 측의 의뢰나 지시를 받아 조선에 교역을 요청해왔다. 조선에서는 경상도 내 목장이나 관아에서 소유한 말을 보내주거나, 개인 말 소유자로 하여금 직접 거래하게 하거나, 혹은 경상도 내에 적당한 말이 없을 때는 인근 他道에서 말을 구해주었다. 또한 司僕寺나 戶曹 등 정부 중앙기관에서 소유한 말이나 새로 매입한 말을 동래부로 내려 보내주기도 했다. 교역이 성사되면 公木이나 公作米 등에서 해당 말값만큼 計減하거나, 말을 먼저 지급하고 나중에 분할해서 값게 하는 被執 등의 방법을 이용했다. 이외에도 대마도에서는 쇼군의 지시로 㺚馬 등의 중국말을 구하고자 하기도 했고, 鞍裝․馬省 등의 馬具類와 馬書 등을 여러 차례 수입해가기도 했다. 말은 대마도 내부의 경제적․일상적 필요에 의해 거래되는 다른 물품들과는 교역의 성격 면에서 차이가 있다. 조선에서는 일본막부와의 교린관계를 원활하게 유지하기 위해서 양국 관계의 매개자 역할을 담당한 대마도의 입지를 옹호․통제할 필요가 있었고, 그러한 수단의 하나로 구무를 통한 말 교역을 이어나갔다. 그것은 말이 최종적으로 도착하는 것이 막부 측이었음을 조선도 알고 있었던 것으로, 즉 말은 일본 최고권력인 막부 쇼군과 관련된 상징적인 교역품이었던 것이다. 조일관계에서 외교․경제적으로 막부를 대리하는 입장이었던 대마도는 조선과의 무역으로 얻은 말을 통해 막부 내에서 자신의 입장을 세울 수 있었고, 막부 측으로서는 대마도를 통해 수입한 조선말을 막부의 대외과시 등에 효과적으로 활용할 수 있었다.

식민지기 朝鮮總督府는 朝鮮史編修会를 설치하여 조선의 역사편찬을 주도했다. 조선사편수회는 16년간의 작업을 통해 『朝鮮史』 35卷을 간행하였다. 그런데 『朝鮮史』는 通史라기 보다는 史料集 또는 索引集에 가까운 것이었다. 즉 『朝鮮史』는 특정한 歷史像을 제시하지는 않지만 다른 모든 사료집이나 색인집과 마찬가지로 사건에 대한 취사선택은 피할 수 없다. 이 논문은 『朝鮮史』의 중추라 할 수 있는 조선왕조에 해당하는 『朝鮮史』 제 4, 5, 6편(35권 중 24권)에 대하여 어떤 시기에 더 역점을 두었으며 사건의 선별기준은 무엇일까 하는 것을 고찰하고자 하는 것이다. 이를 위해서 먼저 『朝鮮史』 제4․5․6편에서 활용한 원사료라 할 수 있는 전거들이 무엇인지를 확인하였으며, 편찬자들에 대해 살펴보았다. 또 이를 바탕으로 『朝鮮史』 편찬 이전 사료의 수집․정리와의 관련성을 추적하여 『朝鮮史』 편찬에 있어 사건의 선별 기준을 추정하였다. 『朝鮮史』는 편찬을 담당한 이들이 편찬 당시나 1945년 이후에도 주장하듯이 조선의 다양한 사건 가운데 근거가 확실한 것만을 編年에 따라 제시하고 있다. 그렇지만 수많은 사건 가운데 『朝鮮史』에 실릴 사건을 선별하는 기준은 근거의 확실성만이 아니라 과거 舊慣調査事業과 ‘半島史 編纂’에 의해 규정되는 측면이 강하다. 구관조사사업은 식민통치를 위한 정책의 입안과 그 참고 자료를 확보하기 위한 것으로, 조사과정에서 典籍에 관한 조사와 사료의 발췌가 이루어졌다. 당시의 전적 조사와 사료발췌의 기준은 구관조사의 목적에 부합하여 정치․경제․풍속 등에 대한 제도적인 사항에 관한 것들로, 이는 발췌 담당자가 전제하고 있는 조선에 대한 像과 관계없이 발췌될 수 밖에 없는 것이 대부분이며, 특정한 시기에 집중되지 않는 것들이다. 반면 ‘반도사 편찬’은 역사편찬사업으로 조선에 대한 부정적인 歷史像을 제시하기 위한 것이었기 때문에 사료의 발췌 기준 역시 조선의 역사에서 ‘혼란’을 보여주는 데에 적합한 사건들, 바로 전쟁이나 정치적 분란과 같이 특정 시기에 집중될 수밖에 없는 것들을 위주로 했다. 『朝鮮史』 제 4․5․6편의 각 권별로 활용한 자료수가 연산군대～선조대(제4편), 광해군대～인조대, 숙종대(제5편), 고종대(제6편)에 늘어나는 것은 이러한 이유에서 기인하는 것이라고 하겠다. 본고에서 살펴보았듯이 적어도 『朝鮮史』의 중심을 이루며 절대적인 분량을 차지하는 제 4․5․6편에 실려 있는 사건들은 1차적으로 효율적인 식민통치정책의 입안을 위해 혹은 역사적으로 조선의 대내외적 혼란을 부각하기 위해 선별된 사료들을 기반으로 하고 있다. 이러한 의미에서 『朝鮮史』는 식민통치책의 일환으로서 편찬된 사료집 혹은 색인집이라고 하겠다. 조선의 역사에 대해 그다지 관심이 없고 혹은 자신이 편찬을 담당한 시기와 자신의 학적 관심이 불일치하며, 자료의 해독 능력이 떨어진 채 제국대학이라는 최고 학부에서 이른바 ‘엄정한 실증’만을 수학한 편찬자들이 기댈 수 있었던 것은 바로 위와 같은 이유에서 선택된 사건들과 이를 전하는 사료들이었다. 이러한 맥락에서 적어도 『朝鮮史』 제 4․5․6편은 사업의 목적과 지향, 결과물이 전혀 다른 구관조사사업이나 ‘반도사 편찬’과 연관을 맺는다.