KJC Korea
Journal Central

This study shows the royal palace as the place for rites held verious rites in Korean ancient time and among these studied Juekwi-rye and Joha-rye which symbolized sovereign power. The ancient palace had various facilities including royal chambers as a living place of kings. Especially king Moonmoo made Walsung repaired according to the palace rule in Joo-rye. Therefore Jowon-jeon, the main office building of Silla can be compared with Taegeuk-building of Taegeuk-palace of Tang dynasty and Pyeongui-jeon of Silla with weijo or Jodang of Tang, and Ne-jeon was in the palace of Silla conforming to Yangui-jeon of Tang. Like this, the palace held various rites such as Juekwi-rye and Joha-rye etc. Among them, Juekwi-rye of new kings in Korean ancient times was held during Gukhyool and the place was Bin-jeon. Given that Bin-jeon was inside the royal palace and King Shinmoon of Silla was ascended to throne in front of Gu(coffin) by the Yoojo of King Moonmoo, Juekwi-rye of new kings of Korean ancient times was held in Bin-jeon. China sent foreign envoys for the mourning and ancestral rite for the late king and installed a new king, and it was held in Jeong-jeon. This kind of rites including Juekwi-rye contributed for a new king to stabilize royal authority and seize the sovereign power. Meanwhile, Hajeong-rye performed on the first day of the first year during Queen Jinduk 5th year became formality, and it was the big Dejohoi together with Hajeong-rye performed on Aug 15th. Of these rites, Joha-rye of Jan 1st was performed after rites to the spirts of Sun and Moon, while archery, Yeonsa was performed at Joha-rye of Aug 15th, which was differentiated from Tang Dynasty, Korea Dynasty, Choseon Dynasty. This Joha-rye was also performed to the crown prince and queen who were the ones of royal family received Chakmyung. By these rites, the royal family including kings could consolidate their foundation.

The investigation is conducted about changes in the nation along with the philosophical transitions and it’s meaning through the historical cases of several monks who had relationship with King Gyeongdeok directly or indirectly. Therefore, the objective of this study is to consider the aspects of changes occurred in that era and it’s meaning through the examination about the relationship between King Gyeongdeok and the monks in particular concerning temporal context, goals of the relationship. It is distinctive aspect that King Gyeongdeok had much more relationships with the monks than other Kings and had diversity of objectives for which the cases had aimed. It is noted that the number of exchanges between the King and monks had significant increasing from the 13 years of King Gyeongdeok as well as the increasing number of disasters, replacements of government positions, and constructions of new temples also. In particular, it is interesting that the change of the society had coincidence with that of the aspects of relationship and way to solve social problems as the reign went toward the second half of the period. Because it shows that the aspects of the relationship between King Gyeongdeok and the monks represent the correlation between the political and the philosophical matters. First of all, an appointment of Jinpyo, Daehyeon, and Beobhae in the first period of the reign had difference with the appointment of high priest in the middle period of the Shilla dynasty. It is postulated that the King might have a purpose to participate in the new period and also intended the increasing of influences to the nation. While the changes, however, an official and ritualistic royal Buddhist events, such as Jae(齊) or teaching(講說) were maintained as before. On the other hand, several different aspects are observed in the way the relationship formed after the 13 years of the reign. To Pyohun, the King required a special occasions which had some miraculous phenomenon to settle the problem of son of the King, and to Wonpyo, who had received a Bodhisattva faith cheongwan from the Taoist holy land gave a official generosity. Furthermore, there was resolution that the King had met Wolmyong and Chungdam and requested them to compose Hyangga to solve the social problems. These phenomena seemed to be caused by the combination with social and political circumstances which had become worse and the widespread of Buddhism as the reign of King Gyeongdeok went to the late half. That is, the King Gyeongdeok who seemed to feel the limits of the resolutions used before had aimed to achieve influences and power to control and stabilize the nation using Buddhism with another ways to guide people through the monks who could afford to execute the missions in the context of gradually changing society.

Donggungsiwigongja system held first at the 8th year of King Munjong(文宗) in Koryŏ began to change in its management from the period of Military rule. Most of all, in the way of selecting Donggungsiwigongja, the recommendation system that had carried into effect before changed into examination one. It had two ways. One was to engage able persons by testing the ability of writing poems, and the other was to select them among the people who had already passed the state examination. This change was because the throne was changed frequently by military rulers, and that made older Crown Prince appear repeatedly. As well, there was an important change in its constituent. The principle was originally to select sons of civil officials, but it didn't worked well. In reality, common people's sons like Hyangri(鄕吏) were picked mostly. That was because civil officials' sons avoided to be picked as Donggungsiwigongja, whereas common people's sons wanted it; Military rulers were afraid of connection between the royal family and the powerful civil officials. The change in management of Donggungsiwigongja system continued during the Won's(元) interfering period. First of all, the time of selecting them was very early, even before the Crown Prince was born. The faster the time of selecting is, the more ones who had worked as Sihak(侍學, Donggungsiwigongja) the Crown Prince can have, and they thought that could make the Crown Prince's political power stronger. There was another change that the former Donggungsiwigongja was devided into two; One called Sihak was to help the Crown Prince study and the other called Holchi(忽赤) was to guard him. In addition, there was a change that the government could let the civil officials held Sihak at the same time after King Chungmok(忠穆王). At this period, most Sihak were also from descendants of common families, not noble families. The reason was as follows. In case of noble families, they didn't want to be selected as Sihak to avoid political ruin which came from Jungjo(重祚); Jungjo was the phenomenon of alternating enthronement between the king and his son. On the other hand, common families' sons who didn't have good background were ready as candidates of Sihak in spite of their political danger. Because they thought it was worth trying to succeed in life for them. In short, Donggungsiwigongja system had a function of channel that common families' sons could grow politically through the period of military rule and the Won's interfering.

Examined in this article is how the 「Mu’il-pyeon」 and 「Hongbeom-pyeon」 chapters in the Classical text 『Seo’gyeong(書經)』 were understood during the time of Goryeo up until the early days of Joseon, as well as how the meaning of this text changed when a new dynasty was founded(Joseon) based upon the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. The text 「Mu’il-pyeon」, which was commented in Taejo’s <Hun’yo Shibjo> and has been considered as symbolizing Taejo and his instructions throughout the entire period of Goryeo, was discussed in the royal study sessions which were arranged frequently in the 12th century since the 11th year of king Yejong when Yejong issued a proclamation(制書) stating that he would be pursuing from then on both the founder king Taejo’s instructions(太祖遺訓) and the Ways(道) of the Past sages(聖賢, Confucianism). Past studies believed that the increased discussions of 「Mu’il-pyeon」 at the time was a result of the deepening understanding of Neo-Confucianism, but in this article it is interpreted as an act upon Taejo’s past instructions. Discussion of 「Mu’il-pyeon」 in many times coincided with vibrant Fengshui(風水) prophecy -based actions such as the king’s trip to the Seo-gyeong(西京) city or erection of the Dae’hwa-gung(大化宮) palace. These seemingly contradicting coincidences were actually an active fulfilling of Yejong’s own proclamation, as the trip to Seo-gyeong was following the footsteps of the founder king, while discussion of 「Mu’il-pyeon」 was following the ways of the past sages. And the fact that 「Mu’il-pyeon」, which was a Confucian text that particularly symbolized Taejo Wang Geon in Goryeo, was the one that was selected for further discussions, shows us that the efforts to follow the aforementioned two sources, were being culminated in the Goryeo people’s ultimate honoring of their own founder king. In the meantime, the 「Hongbeom-pyeon」 chapter has been believed to have been related to the issue of understanding or even resolving disasters, since the day of the Han era(漢代). In fact, this chapter became the topic of discussion frequently whenever Goryeo was suffering various forms of atmospheric disasters such as draughts. This kind of understanding of the classical texts started to change by the officials who were well versed in Neo-Confucianism, during the ending days of the Goryeo dynasty. They dismantled the symbolic connection between 「Mu’il-pyeon」 and the Goryeo dynasty's founder king Taejo Wang Geon, and then based on Zhu xi(朱熹)’s interpretation, argued that this text was indeed symbolizing the king’s leadership which should embrace the suggestions of the vassals and provide them with power. Also, 「Hongbeom-pyeon」 was interpreted as an instruction for the king regarding how he should regulate his own heart(心法) in order to become a Neo-Confucian king with a Neo-Confucian perspective toward nature and natural phenomena. As a result, in Joseon both 「Mu’il-pyeon」 and 「Hongbeom-pyeon」 chapters were no longer understood as texts legitimizing the act of “Seo-gyeong Sunju(trip to Seo-gyeong)” or a text used in resolving disasters. It became a text firmly in place inside the inner philosophical structure of Neo-Confucianism.

This study aims to explore the emergence of counter-collective memory of Gyeyu-jeongnan and the relevant political conflicts with Sejo’s throne during the reigns of King Seongjong and Yonsangun. After Sejo acceded to the throne, many people were punished for spreading the rumors to criticize political legitimacy of King Sejo. This is an evidence to show how negatively people thought at the time for Sejo’s throne. Many stories to criticize the Sejo’s reign has been handed down across the generation, and at last Seongjong’s sagwan(court-diarist historians) recorded them on sacho(historical drafts), which led to Muosawha, purge of 1498. The Danjong’s political followers retired to hermitage in the mountain after the young king was dethroned and maintained their political status in the rural areas. ‘Eungue’(隱居, Hermitage) is the most common way of expressing their political resistance to King Sejo. The author argues these movements has persistingly influenced in shaping counter-collective memory of Joseon Dynasty and revitalized the sprit whenever political transitions came, especially, in the King Sukjong’s reign.

The term ‘gogong,’ a concept of social status which was used in China, was formally accepted in the 14th century and started to be used since then. However, the standard of social status was not established yet, so a variety of labor forces were called ‘gogong,’ and this tendency continued even after the standard of social status was established. As ‘gogong’ indicated a variety of labor forces, various other names were used for it. These names are classified into four types: first, a legal expression used in law books or legislation; secondly, an expression of socioeconomic status of gogong; a third expression implies the one hired by others; and last but not least, an expression of labor forces with different characteristics. Among these four types, as the last expression deals with the one with different characteristics, only the first three expressions are included in the category of ‘gogong.’Meanwhile, the original type of ‘gogong’ traces back to hired hands in late Goryeo Dynasty in that they are most similar to the ones from China who were hired by others for a period. In late Goryeo Dynasty, hired hands, who were called ‘Yong,’ ‘Go-yong,’ ‘Go-in,’ were employed for small housework or as a substitute. These hands are seen as the original type of ‘gogong.’ In particular, Go-in is most likely to be the original type of ‘gogoing’ who is directly connected to ‘gogong’ in that Go-in is used as the most representing alias of ‘gogong’ in Chosun Dynasty. It is the 7th year of King Choonsuk of Goryeo Dynasty after his restoration (1338) that ‘gogong’ appeared in records of literature for the first time. The record of labor forces called ‘gogong’ did exist in the record of the process of reconstructing Bul-eun Temple. Moreover, in the late 14th century, Daemyungryul, a law book of handling legal codes relating to ‘gogong’, was adopted as a criminal law book; also, Go-in, the prime alias of ‘gogong,’ was in that law book. Thus, it is the 14th century that ‘gogong’ appeared in the literature for the first time. The ‘gogong’ in the 14th century gradually proceeded to form a social stratum, and it was regarded as a social stratum in the period ranging from Taejong to Sejong of the early 15th century. At that time, bureaucrats either considered applying ‘gogong’ law of the law book Daemyungryul or referred to a specific labor force as ‘gogong’ directly, which means ‘gogong’ was distinguished from other social strata and labor forces, and other criminal laws were comparatively applied to ‘gogong.’ Therefore, in the 15th century, it seems that ‘gogong’ was developed as a social stratum independently.

17th century was the time when nation reconstructing theories(國家再造論) of Confucians were the rise to overcome the reality of the local society(鄕村社會), and these efforts later turned into the state’s strengthening of the system of local rule through the means of the system of myeonri(面里制) and distribution of five household system(五家統事目). This meant bringing of the transition of the axis of power in a country village community to in the center of magistrate caused by the weakening of local literati(在地士族) who were active member of 鄕約(village code) and appearance of Juhyeon Hyangyak(州縣鄕約). In this sense, it is true that Hong, Jungsam’s Juhyeon Hyangyak(州縣鄕約) takes Yulgok’s, who is regarded as leader of Juhyeon Hyangyak(州縣鄕約), Seowon Hyangyak(西原鄕約) as its foundation, but it has the trait of including contents related to magistrate’s seven duties(守令七事) that reflects on transition of ruling order in a country village community. At the end of Juhyeon Hyangyak(州縣鄕約), it suggests seven details of magistrate’s seven duties(守令七事) like land service tax(田政)․forced labor(制賦)․military service tax(軍政)․state granary system(糶糴)․relief system(賑恤)․lawsuits system(決訟)․agriculture of mulberry tree(種桑) that is necessary for magistrates to rule the country side. Especially, it’s because traits of book of governing the people(牧民書) are shown in that it directly witnesses people’ suffering in a country village community and suggests solutions, or a example one by one as magistrates. These kinds of contents are shown in seven details by chapters of agriculture of mulberry tree(農桑)․military service tax(軍政)․forced labor(賦役)․land service tax(田政)․state granary system(糶糴)․relief system(賑恤)․civil lawsuits(詞訟) mentioned in Imgwan jeongyo(臨官政要), which was written by silhak scholar, Sunam An, Jeongbok(1712～1791), as it is.

This article is written to examine the political justification of Noron in the reign of King Jeongjo. Noron, one of the most important political parties in the latter half of Joseon dynasty, took political hegemony in King Yeongjo's reign period after long lasted confrontation with Soron since 1680's, because they played a great role in help Yeongjo to the throne in the transition period between King Gyeongjong and King Yeongjo. But they had to pay a high price for getting political hegemony. Most of all, Noron had marked as traitor to King Gyeongjong in The Annals of King Gyeongjong that was compiled by their opponent Soron, in King Gyeongjong's reign period. So Noron sincerely hoped to correct record of The Annals of King Gyeongjong and revaluate their political conduct in King Gyeongjong's reign period to justify their acquisition of government, but King Yeongjo did not permit to revise The Annals of King Gyeongjong in his reign period. Anxiety of Noron to revise The Annals of King Gyeongjong was accomplished in King Jeongjo's reign period in the aspect of political agreement. Political justification designed by Noron, and filled in The Amendment of Annals of King Gyeongjong can be classified by four typed discourse like below. First, Noron gave their fealty to the King Gyeongjong as well as King Yeongjo. Second, Most of Soron committed great political mistakes to King Yeongjo, what was worse, they tried to get rid of King Yeongjo by connecting with some eunuches. Third, the Imin-major rebellion criminal cases that was happened in King Gyeongjong's reign period to aim King Gyeongjong was totally falsehood. Fourth, the throne succession from King Gyeongjong to King Yeongjo was totally thank to Heaven's will and brotherly love of King Gyeongjong. In sum, these four typed discourse means that only Noron were qualified to participate in the new court of King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo, whereas Soron were not.

During the economic boom caused by the First World War, the Bank of Joseon carried out overbearing bank loans. This loans, however, could not be recovered under the economic depression in rebound after the war. The problem of these uncollectible loans were first discussed at the general meeting of the stockholders in the first half of 1922. The main reason that the stockholders in Dalian brought up this problem was strongly related to continuous failures of the Bank of Joseon's expansion toward Manchuria, such as the failure in changing Dalian Commodity Exchange's trading unit in​​to the gold standard. In other word, it implied their anger toward the failure that created overwhelming economic damage to the Japanese in Manchuria. Although the Bank of Joseon set up their own plan to mend the damage, it was hardly realizable since they calculated bonds too low. Furthermore, that fact that the ones who had to take the responsibility maintained their posts only showed their irresponsible respond to the situation. In the end, the Japansed government was tasked with the organization of the Bank of Joseon. When they launched organization of the bank in 1924, Shoda Gazue(勝田主計), who was a main figure in the Bank of Joseon's expansion toward Manchuria, did not hold anyone responsible but only decided fund support to the bank from the government. In 1925 however, a new plan of organization was drawn up which held the Bank of Joseon responsible by reducing the half of the capital, implementing non dividend, and reducing workforce. Still, a continuous recession in the Japanese financial world delayed the organization's completion until the Bank of Japan's special loan from 1927 to 1928. This process of the organization signifies the true nature of the Bank of Joseon. While it was a central bank holding the responsibility to release bailout during financial crisis, the Bank of Joseon, in reality, was supported by other banks' fund. This paradox illustrated an issuing bank in a colony's usual characteristic as a personal financial institution. Even if commonly the bank was understood as a central bank, this organization proved that it was inappropriate to carry out the role.

This article is regarding the question, in a discursive dimension, how the April revolution was possible in the Syngman Rhee regime of South Korea. As one of causes that formed ‘the counter subject’ in the 1950s, Ham seokheon’s discourse of ‘Minjung’, nation, and Kukmin was investigated. With the flow of contradictory heritage of ethnic theory and renovated philosophy in the 1920s, Ham Seokheon was advancing toward the criticism of capitalist commodification, impersonalization of labor, political ideologization of religious and educational apparatuses in the late 1950s. Among nationalist remnants of Japanese colonialism and rapidly introduced Western culture and ideals, he had an opportunity to spread his critique of ‘modernity.’ While social repression and control by government was growing in the late 1950s, his 'Minjung' discourse was revealed. Through the articulation of civil discourse to demand social justice for the privileged class, this ‘counteridentification’ of “Minjung” discourse enabled the April Revolution against the nationalist discourses of the Syngman Rhee government, which insisted that the fate of individuals should be identified with the country's fate.