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2014, Vol., No.114

  • 1.

    The Raising and Developing Discussion for the Disposal of Wang Family in the Early Joseon

    Jung-Soo Han | 2014, (114) | pp.1~36 | number of Cited : 4
    This paper aims to search how Wang family, the previous royal power, was treated and disposed after the establishment of Joseon and the setting of this situation. For this purpose, I examine the procedure and cause of the accession of Taejo (first king of Joseon), search the raising discussion for the disposal of Wang family and its course and arrange the application and development of discussion for eternal extinction of Wang family which reflected decision based in great cause. The accession of Taejo was justified insufficiently, because King Gongyang (Gongyangwang) who ascended to the throne by Taejo himself should be dethroned for it. Taejo and his supporting power looked for the disposal of Wang family to overcome this problem. There were two possible ways. One was the neglecting feudality accompanying memorial ceremony in which the ruler of the previous dynasty was invested as feudal lords in the specific region with his wandering people and allowed to hold memorial ceremony for his ancestors. Another was discussion for eternal extinction of Wang family in which the previous royal power was the source of disaster and revolt and should be eradicated and put to death. Taejo treated Wang family with favor after his accession. He invested them as feudal lords and allowed to hold memorial ceremony and live in their desired region. However, his supporting power insisted that Wang family should be eradicated and put to death, as they completed restoration by killing King U(Uwang) and King Chang(Changwang). Finally, Taejo accepted discussion for putting to death and eternal extinction. There was Gapsuljiju in 1394. The discussion for eternal extinction of Wang family was ceased with the order of Taejong in which the surviving posterity of Wang family could live securely with their occupation. It was concluded in establishing Sunguijeon, the shrine for Goryeo dynasty.
  • 2.

    The Structure and Role of Chosun Royal Family Bureau and It's Transformations

    wonchangae | 2014, (114) | pp.37~82 | number of Cited : 11
    The Domain of Chosun Royal Family had been expanded, including all of princes’ descendants, more wider than the form of the preceeding Koryo Dynasty. The Royal Family Bureau(宗親府) was composed of appointed royal members and administrative officials. The Constitutional System of Chosun Dynasty, ‘Kyongkuk Taejon(經國大典)’, assigned no posts for members who ran the institution but the three persons who were the representatives serving as equivalent as upward-3rd-rank officials. In early days in which there were a number of princes, according to the Representative Lists of Serving-Official-as-Upward-3rd-Rank, Jongchinpu Yusa Tangsang Sunsaeng Ahn(宗親府 有司 堂上 先生案), it seemed that only princes were possibly nominated as representatives. The other members except princes, however, could take the positions in later days, especially after the 16th king, Injo (A.D. 1623~1649), simply because there were no princes with longevity but the Crown Prince. The main lineage of royal members, in the later period, was the descendants of the 14th King, Sunjo(A.D. 1567~1608), and the 16th King, Injo. In the era of the 23rd King, Sunjo(A.D. 1800~1846), the three positions were not filled solely due to lack of proper members. Since the administrative officials attached to the Bureau were all concurrent posts with other public jobs, the 7th King, Sejo (A.D. 1455~1468) regulated them to keep only two posts, one for Junchum(典籤) and the other for Junpu (典簿), so as not to be duplicated with the Prosecutory Office on Royal Family, Jongpusi(宗簿寺). The members were so allowed to take part in National Rites with high officials that they were given a role in such occasions as ancestral worships, public meetings in king’s office, royal marriages, royal funerals, envoy receptions, inspection of troops, and others. Among them, they took a major role especially in burial ceremonies. In later days, they began to assume a rather active part; for instance, they were included in an envoy group to Ching China as clearly manifested by Prince Inpyong Taegun(麟坪大君, 1622~1658) as 11 times of envoy dispatch during 15 years. They could also participate in an edition of Royal Family Genealogy, and in a publication of Collection of Several Kings’ Calligraphies. As many types of genealogical records prevailed to be printed, some members who had good knowledge on the field could assume editorship too. The number, however, became radically reduced around 19th century, merely to three or four. This reduction accordingly changed their functions of the two institutions, the Royal Family Bureau and its Prosecutory Office, solely to publish the royal genealogies. Heungsungun(興宣君), who appointed the representative in the reign of the 24th king, Honjong (A.D.1834~1849), repaired the building of the Royal Family Bureau. He also concerned about improvement of wished temples supported by royal families and royal mausolea managements. He paid attention to reformulate royal family members so as to include over-bounded (親盡) royal offsprings. His job next, then, was to get at the truth of royal genealogical descendants. When he declared, in 1856, to redefine bipartite roles of the Bureau to solve improper burdens of labor on royal offsprings and to manage to publish royal lineage records, the officials from Prosecutory Office opposed against him. But he was so persistent that he was successful to set up a special body, after four years in 1860, for publishing expanded genealogical branches of royal blood which was no direct connection to the Bureau because of the strict definition of royal family solely within eight nodes. He was supposedly given a controlling power over the large branches of royal blood to build up a close tie with them. After his son, the 26th King of Kojong (A.D. 1897~1907), was enthroned, the reconstructed network was a source to accumulate the so-called ‘Voluntary Donation Money’ (願納錢) so as to rebuild the palace, Kyongpokkung, partly from royal offsprings who were then given rewards; they were awarded an official post after National Examinations and allowed to take part in several Royal Ceremonies. They were evaluated as one of the strongly supporting parties for Heungsun Daewongun (興宣大院君). The two institutions for royal family were finally merged, due to lack of proper royal membership, and some posts were added both in higher and lower positions. The transformation was documented on Ordinance of Royal Family, Jongpu Jorye (宗府條例), in which the domain extensively included offsprings of Daewongun and high officials with the royal family name. The latter membership, moreover, could assume the representatives. The Ordinance was revised, in 1869, to allow them to be nominated any government post except princes and royal grandsons. The lower positions in the Bureau were left to their hands so as to be widely open to an offspring with the royal family name through a sort of official-hereditary system (蔭職).
  • 3.

    The limit of historical research for TV Historic contents and the alternative - Based on historic research for the history of martial art and military from KBS documentary “Euigwe(儀軌), The festival during 8days” -

    Choi hyeong guk | 2014, (114) | pp.83~124 | number of Cited : 4
    This study is to examine TV historic contents and the alternative based on KBS documentary “Euigwe(儀軌), The festival during 8days” which was on air in October 2013. To sum up, in the case of produce TV historical program, it is a work of art based on writers’ creativity. Obsession with the historical research and evidence can be the barrier to block drama’s creativeness. On the other hand, Historical programs have great educational value related historical consciousness. Subsequently education and history fields emphasize objectivity and accuracy for historical research. Unconditional criticism is not necessary as both opinions are reflected the circumstances of the site for producing programs. However, the problem of occurred errors by historical research for TV history programs is that this kind of mistake is repeated for historical documentary which has to be most realistic. Six errors based on historic research from KBS documentary “Euigwe(儀軌), The festival during 8days” have pointed out with the facts that King Jeonjo’s body guards wear Japanese sword in Japanese way. To overcome the limit of historical research for TV Historic contents, seven alternatives are suggested with the solution such as setting pre-production system for broadcast contents and overcoming viewer rating supremacy.
  • 4.

    A Study on the Actual Management of Temple forests under the Japanese Rule

    Choi, Byung Taek | 2014, (114) | pp.125~160 | number of Cited : 0
    The Joseon Government-General performed The project of Forest Land survey from the year of 1917 to 1924. At that time, Buddhist temples in korea laid claim to the forest they owned, but not every buddhist temple could acquire the ownership. The Joseon Government-General gave buddhist temple preemptive right just in case theyprotected the forest. Japanese authority had guaranteed legal ownership right to those that had preemptive rights for the forest. And Then, the Government-General forced temples to submit “working plans” for the forest, that means the japanese authority would not allow to left the forest untreated and unprotected. But temples did not keep the working plans, because they were financially embarrassed for forced-donation to the Central buddhist administrative office and embezzlement which committed by chief monks. Temples in korea wanted cut down trees at their own forest, that is prohibited by the japanese authority officially. But The reality is the Government-General did not prohibited logging. Actually the japanese authority strongly supported the Central buddhist administrative office and chief monks to make their control tightened over the buddhism. The authority didn’t want to improve the financial problem that temple had. Because of that situation, temples had to use the forest under the connivance of the Government-General.
  • 5.

    The establishment of Army for Korean Independence and its anti-Japanese armed struggle in Manchuria

    Min Ho Hwang | 2014, (114) | pp.161~200 | number of Cited : 5
    This paper aimed to compensate for the existing research result by exploring the process of organization of Korean Independence Party and its army and their anti-Japanese armed struggle through analysing trial record of Lee Kyu Chae, who served as the member of political desk and the chairman of general affair in the early of 1930s. At first, we could find that the Korean Independence Party completed to form an organization, and it reflected its process of reaction when the attack of Korean communists to national party became strengthened, and interlinked with the situation that ‘the 5.30 Uprising of 1930’ became serious. The Korean Independence Party organized the Army for Korean Independence with the human resource who graduated from primary school. The troops in early time was organized with 50 in each platoon, total 60 platoons, and with 300 in 2 companies. In the process of organization, the Korean Independence Party proclaimed the national front that opposed against the Soviet communism and aimed to absolute independence and proposed the national blueprint, which would be an independent nation, in the terms of social democracy by arguing the constitutional democracy and nationalization of land and instruments of production and compulsory education. As Manchuria incident began, the Army for Korean Independence responded immediately and prepared to resistance to Japan through recruiting officers and men and military training, which mainly was conducted with combined operations with China lead by Yi Cheong Cheon, Lee Kyu Chae, Nam Dae Kwan, Cho Kyung Han. Moreover, until late in the 1933, it also carried out small battles unto itself. The Korean Independence Party and its army discussed the moving problem into China after the Battle of SSangseongbo. And when it was concluded to move into China under the leadership of Lee Kyu Chae after the Battle of Daejeonjaryeong, the move of key persons of the Korean Independence Party and its army was decided.
  • 6.

    A Study on the Wonju Group's Consumer's Cooperatives Movements in Agricultural Areas in 1970s

    Kim So Nam | 2014, (114) | pp.201~248 | number of Cited : 9
    The Wonju Group with the relief and rehabilitation Committee, established due to the Great Flood of Namhan River basin in April 1972, as the center of its activities, helped farmers and miners in the flood-hit areas with emergency relief projects by conducting the restoration program for flood of Namhan River basin (1973) and Wonju Wonseong area (1976) and Korean beef cattle support program (1973). It also developed the civil-led cooperative movements in 80 or 90 rural villages, 13 cities and districts in 3 provinces, and more than 10 mining branches by operating village development and credit union movements in agricultural area. This study aims to elucidate the surroundings of the establishments and managements of consumer's cooperatives and cooperative markets in agricultural areas while community development movement was being conducted by the Wonju Group in the early 1970s. It also concerns with the process and features of the administration of the cooperative markets operated as a subsidiary projects of credit union, based on principles of the cooperative. A comparative analysis between the women's cooperative markets, installed and operated through the New Community Movement, and consumer's cooperatives and cooperative markets propelled by the relief and rehabilitation Committee also has been made. In 1970s, the relief and rehabilitation Committee, while conducting community development movement, supported the foundation and operation of cooperative markets as farmers in the region requested and hoped for that. Types of cooperative markets installed with the help of the committee could be specified into three cases; the women's cooperative markets, cooperative markets for agricultural product, and consumer's cooperatives. Only a few of the cooperative markets in agricultural villages in the early 1970s were operated based on principles of the cooperatives. This abnormal situation was derived from the lack of experience of the farmers in the civil-led cooperatives and insufficient management of comsumers' cooperatives courses. In the mid 1970s, the relief and rehabilitation Committee planned to have credit unions as the center of its community development movement and actively conduct credit union movements as the community development movement through the village councils and farmer's guilds was facing stagnation. The cooperative markets and comsumers' cooperatives in agricultural villages, as a subsidiary projects of credit union, were propelled to be spontaneously, independently and voluntarily operated by its own members, based on the 7 great principles of the cooperativesThe cooperative markets and comsumers' cooperatives established and managed by farmers in agricultural villages were important cooperative organizations of the farmer-led community development movement along with credit union organizations. It also devoted significantly for the active conduction of credit union movement as comsumers' cooperatives movement was operated with the cooperative markets as its center. The comsumers' cooperatives movement developed in agricultural areas under the jurisdiction of the relief and rehabilitation Committee in 1970s became a basis of the farmer-led cooperatives movement and it has an important significance as it shows how farmer-oriented cooperatives movement was conducted in the midst of the governmental policy of the modernization of the agricultural area like the government-led Sae-ma-eul movement, the National Agricultural Cooperative Federation, and village funds.