KJC Korea
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In a country of dynasty, compiling jeonjosa(historical affairs of the previous dynasty) is evidently affected by the incumbent royal family in power. In this regard, the process of compiling ‘Goryeo-sa(history of the Goryeo Dynasty)’ gave an opportunity to justify the ruin of the Goryeo Dynasty and the legitimacy of establishing the Joseon Dynasty. The publication of ‘Goryeo-guksa(national history of the Goryeo Dynasty)’ during the reign of the founder of the Joseon Dynasty served this purpose, but due to its small volume, it had limitations in capturing the affairs of the Goryeo Dynasty. Later during the reign of King Taejong, efforts were made to update ‘Goryeo-guksa’ under the pretext that the records on the wijo(the illegitimate dynasty) and afterwards lacked truth. However, these were not completed due to the earlier compilation of ‘Taejo-sillok(chronicles of the founder).’During the reign of King Sejong, ‘Goryeo-sa’ had been updated several times, and completed in the style of gijeonche by the time of King Munjong. The book was finished during the reign of King Munjong, but a substantial part of decisions on the publishing style, principles for selecting the materials and actual selection was made during the time of King Sejong. The works on ‘Goryeo-sa’ during King Sejong’s time cleared a controversy over the historical records on King Gongmin’s reign, and were done in a way that complemented and added records on the previous kings of the Joseon Dynasty. After King Munjong’s time, perceptions on jeonjosa began to change slightly. Though ‘Goryeo-sa’ was not distributed widely, it was occasionally included in gwageo(the highest-level state examination) or gyeongyeon (lectures given to the king). Particularly, details and information in ‘Goryeo-sa’ were used as a reference inorganizing the government structure and rituals of the Joseon Dynasty. The process of compiling ‘Goryeo-sa’ widely reflected the position of the royal family that emphasized the legitimacy of founding the Joseon Dynasty. As time went by, historical affairs of the previous dynasty came to be seen in a more objective and reasonable manner, but the underlying approach hardly changed. It is noteworthy that after King Munjong’s time, a more practical approach was made to reflect materials of ‘Goryeo-sa’ in government affairs.

The study aims to explore the compilation process and the contents of Sokmujungbogam(續武定寶鑑) and examine the characteristics of compilation practice of court-ordered history books in Choson dynasty. Sokmujugbogam is the book which was written about military activity or rebellion occurred against government after King Sungjong, The book, which was followed by Mujungbogam of Yejong reign, was published in order to assert the legitimacy of Eulsa sahwa which was occurred to reinforce Soyun(小尹)’s political power. Currently there are three different versions of Sokmujungbogam. One, known as Chosonsa pyonsuhoe or Gyujanggak version which is composed of five volumes and two books, is presumed to be re-published during Kwangheagun’s reign. Another book is, which is called Korea University Library(KU library) version which was left only volume 8 in the original eight volumes, is thought to be firstly-published version which had been once compiled in King Myungjong reign. Sokmujungbogam volume 8 dealt with Eulsa sahwa of King Myungjong and other associated political events. Considered the original purpose of Sokmujungbogam to assert the legitimacy of the ruling force, KU library version is the most closed version to its original purpose. If compared to Myungjong sillok, both books are based on the records written by Chunchugwan(春秋館). However, the political bias were deeply involved in the content of the Sokmujungbogam because it was published to fortify the legitimacy of the ruling power. At the time, as the criticism of Eulsa sahwa were widely spread in world, Sokmujungbogam was faced with a number of criticism when it was published. As a result, the book was ignored by Sarim and finally disappeared from history after they became a ruling power.

Having been connected with the Iminoksa(壬寅獄事), King Yeongjo had to find some political ways to show off and consolidate his status as an unique successor of Joseon dynasty from the time of his enthronement. he persevered in his efforts to compromise the political justification of Noron with that of Soron by implantation Tangpyeong group figures of both political parties. Even after the Musin Revolt that had been broken to deny his legitimacy in 1728, he did not give up his efforts, and began to compile some publications on state justification such as Gamnannok, Eojedaehun, Cheonuisogam in consecutive order which made by compromising the political justification of Noron with that of Soron. But it is necessary to focus on the change of interpretation on the Musin Revolt. In Gamnannok which compiled right after suppression of the Musin Revolt, Noron was regarded as guilty as Soron in that some figures of Noron such as Seodeoksu provided reason of the Iminoksa by attempt to commit treason against King Gyeongjong. In Eojedaehun which compiled in 1741, Noron took sentence of acquittal except five figures, because the Iminoksa was regarded as falsity to increase the legitimacy of King Yeongjo. Only five figures of Noron remained in the list of criminal to provide Soron with the minimum political excuse to participate in his administration. Cheonuisogam, which compiled right after suppression of the Eulhaeoksa(乙亥獄事) in 1755, imputed the whole responsibility of the Musin Revolt to Soron, because the Eulhaeoksa revealed that many figures of Soron still did not admit the legitimacy of King Yeongjo. In sum, change of interpretation on Musin Revolt reflected change of political situation of King Yeongjo’s reign period.

11 which account for 1/3 of total 33 members of the Lee Wang-Jik annals compilation committee were Japanese people. Korean people took the roles of supervisor, compiler and historical material collector, however, central roles of chairman and core roles of each department were taken by Japanese people. Especially, Shinoda Jisaku, the chairman of Lee Wang-Jik Annals Compilation Committee, Oda Shogo of supervision department who supervised the compilation of annals, and Kikuchi Kenzo who was a historical material collector followed and spoke for the colonial policies of the Japanese Government General of Korea. They were the key persons who made the colonial view of history and believed in it thoroughly as government-patronized historians leading distortion of Joseon history. 『Annals Data of Gojong and Sunjong』 which was used for compiling the annals contains the records of the key factor of the royal family-related articles only and so it had problems of its own. This data's first stage articles up to the 1878 were noticeably small making the reign of Gojong in the initial stage neglected even in the annals, and it still remains a problem. 『Original Register of Annals Data of Gojong』 which compiled the data list referred upon describing 『Annals of Gojong』 contain many data investigated by Japan in search of the history, culture, custom and reality of Joseon Dynasty and history books described by Japanese scholars based on the colonial view of history. Especially, the history books of Sidehara Akira, Hayashi Daisuke, and Shakuo Shunjo who are considered authority of colonial histories were selected as basic data of the annals. It can be said that Japan intended to reflect the colonial histories made with distorted recognition and prejudice on Korea over the compilation of annals. Many questions can be raised over 『Annals of Gojong and Sunjong』 due to the issues of its compilation course and distorted sight of Japanese scholars falling into the colonial histories, and as it takes the their history books as its main data. Moreover, it deserves special notices upon interpreting dark side of the historical materials.

In general, Compilation of 『Joseonsa(朝鮮史)』 is evaluated as the center of colonial histories. Around the Compilation of 『Joseonsa』, Japanese researchers had conflict in order to gain the initiative of the project. In addition, the project was due to the prolonged, new researchers had been appointed in 1930’s. This paper is to view the conflict in the Joseonsa P’yŏnsuhoe and function of P’yŏnsuhoe focusing on personnel issues. Compilation of 『Joseonsa』 was a project that replace the “the compilation of Joseon-Peninsula-history(朝鮮半島史 編纂事業)” that were made previously. Kuroita Katsumi(黑板勝美) and Naitō Konan(內藤湖南), which organized Compilation of 『Joseonsa』 were to eliminate as much as possible the stakeholders of researches carried out in the past of the Japanese Government-General, tried to monopolize the project. For this purpose, Kuroita and Naitō wanted to appoint a new person who had no relationship with Joseon. This led to the appointment of Suematsu Yasukazu(末松保和) and Nakamura Hidetaka(中村榮孝), starting with participation of Inaba Iwakichi(稻葉岩吉) in the project. They led the project by seizing the main location for the Compilation of 『Joseonsa』, while full-time to the Joseonsa P’yŏnsuhoe. By this, historians who had been involved in the researches carried out in the past of the Japanese Government-General went away from the P’yŏnsuhoe. In this process, Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) who was deeply related in the past researches submitted his resignation to the P’yŏnsuhoe and came into conflict with Kuroita․Inaba. Meanwhile, as the Compilation of 『Joseonsa』 wag prolonged, participation of new researchers who were unrelated to the past researches further increased. Researchers, newly participated in the Compilation of 『Joseonsa』, majored in history at the Imperial University in Keijo or Tokyo. After all, 『Joseonsa』 was completed in March 1938, lending a hand of young researchers who was just fresh out of University wearing a baptism of so-called “modern history”. However, in the 1930s, which began to be published 『Joseonsa』, the study of Joseon history in academia was being gone. Joseon history courses had disappeared in Tokyo and Kyoto University, collegians who majored in Joseon history was reduced noticeable in Keijo University. In this way when the interest in Joseon history fell down in academia, elite researchers who majored in history at the Imperial University joined the P’yŏnsuhoe. They were able to easily access to historical materials for studying Joseon history, and had to arrange it for the Compilation of 『Joseonsa』. The Compilation of 『Joseonsa』 was an opportunity of studying Joseon history to them, and they presented the results of the study, mainly on 『Chŏguhakchong(靑丘學叢)』. In other words, the P’yŏnsuhoe that didn’t pursue the research institutions brought together the elite-historians at that time and induced them to study Joseon history in the process of the Compilation of 『Joseonsa』. In this sense, the P’yŏnsuhoe was the largest group of studying Joseon history at that time. In 1930’s Joseon history researches could be continued by compilers of 『Joseonsa』 who were gathered in the P’yŏnsuhoe. In other words, the P’yŏnsuhoe without advocating research institutions showed off the “fairness” of the project that collection and compilation of historical materials, but played a role to reproduce researchers of Joseon history, served as a center institutions of colonial history.

In the Goryeo era Buddhistic votary(geosa, 居士), male devotees of Buddhism, mostly belonged to the ruling class and held government posts. They were laymen, but comparable to Buddhist monks in sincerely seeking the way to Buddhahood. In addition, quite a few among ordinary laymen who were not referred to as geosa also strongly believed in Buddhism. Geosas showed impeccable attitudes in practicing their Buddhist beliefs. They read and profoundly understood Buddhist scriptures and grasped the essence of Seon, or meditation, by practicing meditation. Some of them outperformed monks in Buddhist studies. However, few geosas carried out these Buddhist activities in a group, suggesting that their Buddhist beliefs were practiced on the individual level. Geosas did not seek luxury in terms of clothing, food and shelter and led a very humble life. They largely wore hemp clothes and straw shoes, ate coarse food including vegetables instead of meat, and lived in shelters that barely protected them from the rain and cold. Some of them lived a more than humble life than Buddhist monks. Geosas neglected the production of crops, showing little interest in increasing their wealth. They neither imposed high rents nor actively involved in loan sharking or commerce. In addition, they avoided acquiring wealth through corruption or illegal activities. Geosas were actively involved in charity work to express the mercy of Buddhism. They learned medicine to prescribe drugs for sick people and willingly shared their crops with those suffering from hunger. They also offered their kindness to travelers. Given all this, it can be said that they contributed a lot to the prevalence of charity culture in Goryeo society. It is thought that geosas played a big role in spreading a life style based on Buddhist doctrines in Goryeo society. Their life style was highly respected and was considered close to the ideal life pursued by people in those days. Although Buddhism dominated society, geosas’ lifestyle and living attitudes were not common for people in those days. Such lifestyle and living attitudes were observed among only a small number of people. Nevertheless, geosas’ living attitudes helped to purify society and to alleviate tensions in society. Thanks to geosas, Buddhism could maintain a solid foundation in Goryeo society. However, as Neo-Confucianism was accepted and prevalent in the late Goryeo era, it became difficult to find geosas who actively practiced Buddhist value.

Je’rye Deung’rok(祭禮謄錄) compiled by the Jeon’hyang-sa office shows us about specific services that were held on dates dictated by the Monthly Order(“Weol’ryeong,月令”) and it’s changes. Through this records, we can get to know about sacrificial items(“Hi’saeng, 犧牲”) for different level of rituals and how difficult it was provided on time. Governors of Joseon had made the lots of taboos and forbidden customs for the prayer rituals. Official governance of state stopped temporarily several days before the ritual day, officials that carried out the prayer rituals should pledged them to sincerity. During the King Sukjong’s reign, a wide range of disaster and severe famine had stricken. Dynastic officials had even made with new kind of prayer services like Dae’Na-je(大儺祭) ritual that regarded as an improper means of invocation. But soon, they stopped that kind of rituals and conducted prayer ritual for good harvest at Sajik altar(社稷). Confucian prayer ritual’s original intention is not seeking the self-centered luck and property but instilling will of participation with virtue of heaven[天德] in it’s participants. King Sukjong and King Yeongjo had made much of personally carrying out rituals in Jongmyo-shrine[宗廟], Portrait-shrine[眞殿] and tombs of state ancestors, because that rituals were intended for the edification of the people’s reminding of their root saviors[報本]. Through the rituals in Daebo altar[大報壇], Seonmu shrine[宣武祠] and Gwan-wang shrine[關王廟], governors of Joseon want to make sure that there is more important and right value[義理] beyond the repressive supremacy.

In an attempt to formalize the establishment of Korea’s custody, Japan concluded the second Japan-Korea Agreement(Protectorate Treaty between Korea and Japan concluded in 1905) in November, 1905. Article 3 of the Agreement stipulated the location of Yisacheong and the authority of Yisagwan(the prosecutor) as a ruling body deployed in Korea along with the Residency-General. It meant that Japan would deploy a Yisagwan at the Korean ports that opened and the places deemed to need one by the Japanese government and that a Yisagwan would under the supervision of Resident-General execute the whole authority of Japanese Consul in Korea and manage all the affairs needed to fully implement the provisions of the Agreement. This study set out to investigate how the ruling Japanese implemented Article 3 of the second Japan-Korea Agreement and established a basis for their policies in the process of installing Yisacheong in Korea. As Japan was turning Korea into its protectorate, it established the conception of its ruling bodies in Korea. It prescribed Yisacheong as the agencies in charge of diplomacy and administration in local areas of Korea along with Resident-General in the second Japan-Korea Agreement. It then promulgated Imperial Order No. 240 on the installation of Residency-General and Yisacheong, thus declaring and implementing its actions on Korea internally and externally and confirming its political scheme. Imperial Order No. 240 is significant in that it was merely a temporary “revised law” and notified the beginning of operation of Residency-General and Yisacheong. Japan confirmed the official authority of Yisacheong by enacting control regulations. By comparing and reviewing three different control plans, the present study found that Yisagwan gradually evolved into an administrative agency to rule the protectorate in addition to simple diplomatic business. Once the control regulations were established, the location and jurisdiction of Yisacheong were determined. The Yisacheong, which was originally established with the Japanese consul, was extended to cover all korea during the imperial japan. Later Yisacheongs were established more in areas where there was a need for protection and crackdown of Japanese people in Korea and for resolution of frequent problems with foreign nations due to the absence of right administrative agency. The branch offices of Yisacheong were set up to improve administration in local areas of Korea, and Buyisagwans(the assistant prosecutors) of the branch offices were deployed to the sites of provincial offices to direct and supervise the Korean authorities in the concerned areas. Gamriseo, the local diplomatic office of Korea, faced a crisis with the execution of its authority as Korea lost its diplomatic rights. Yisacheong took over Gamriseo’s job of controlling foreigners. The documents and books of Gamriseo was first transferred to Yisacheong, which later obtained control over the issue of house and land registry certificate to foreigners, local area auction, and the issue of Hojo, a foreigner’s pass, which Gamriseo used to take care of. Those processes proceeded in conflicts and confusion among Yisacheong, Gamriseo and Uijeongbu.

Social economy, public ownership theory, and mutual society theory are connected to social movement, which insists to create a balance and mutual structure of nation-society-individual. And It would change to human centered social economy where citizens' independence is alive. To see Korean society from the viewpoint of Division, social conflict, and the expansion of capitalism, the movement to create this balance is invisible. This research investigated the contextualization of the movement which aims for mutual society in Korean modern history by reviewing South and North Korea cooperative movement and New Nation construction theory under Japanese Imperialism. Cooperative society policy, which was raised in South and North Korea after liberation was the process as well as the output of cooperation and competition between cooperative theory connected with the theory of the State/economic theory of various influences formed under Japanese Imperialism. Also, economic system of South and North Korea is in common based on cooperative society as the basis of society. Particularly, people's democracy system of North Korea, which was at the initial stage of nation construction and equal economic system which was raised by the first constitution of South Korea, nevertheless difference in the content and application period, were the attempts to realize sharing and symbiotic social economy, e.g. reformation and cooperative society, products exchange system between city and rural community (industry and agriculture), guarantee of labor rights, major industry nationalization, etc.

This research aims to study the change of the way of that the US’s foreign policies applied to Korea after cessation of USAMGIK and Korea recognized it through investigation on ‘Foreign Liquidation Commissioner Debt(‘FLC debt’)’ which USAMGIK borrowed in 1946 and Korean Government had to pay back after 1948. The purpose of this study is to present how Korean-American relations has been developed based on this ‘claim-obligation relationship’. Firstly, it examines the US’s managing of ‘Office of Foreign Liquidation Commissioner’. It was a part of the US’s foreign policy after WWII for liquidating surplus war properties in foreign countries. In 1946, USAMGIK bought the US’s surplus war properties with ‘FLC debt’ to use for liquidating surplus properties in Japan and for operating USAFIK. After establishment of Korean government, the Department of State changed the application plan of ‘FLC debt’ which would be used for the US’s policies on Korea. More specifically, the US tried to utilize it to manage the delegations for aid and diplomacy and to operate ‘Fulbright Program’, one of the US’s cold-war policy. Then this paper shows that the Korean government’s cognition and reaction against the US’s ‘FLC debt’ policy. Even though the Korean government had to accept the obligation of ‘FLC debt’ for being transferred administrative authority from the US, Korean government was suffered from economic and political burden to repay ‘FLC debt’. So, Korean government asked to the US to cancel the obligation, but it was failed. Finally, Korean government quitted repaying the debt. This article argued that it was Korean government’s intention concerning the plan of purchasing the US’s surplus agricultural products because the US planned to use the profit from selling the surplus agricultural products for the national defense and cultural exchange program like ‘Fulbright program’ in Korea. That means, Korean government thought the original application plan of ‘FLC debt’ was disappeared and decided to settle the obligation of ‘FLC debt’. Also, this was profitable to the US because they could get more advantages from selling surplus agricultural products not only for protecting internal agricultural market but also for operating policies on Korea such as national defense and ‘Fulbright program’. Eventually, the US government canceled the obligation of Korean government on ‘FLC debt’ in 1958, and Korean government agreed the revision of ‘Fulbright Agreement’. Consequently, ‘FLC debt’ was functioned as a lever to implement the US’s policy on Korea reflecting different interests between Korea and the US until after establishment of Korean government through the US’s occupation period.

Park Jong-hong was one of philosophical thinking to configure ‘the National’ was made in the process of imitation and transformation of the Japanese intellectuals during Colonial Era. He was able to do through the ‘awareness’ concept of a representative character, Nishida Kitaro of Kyoto School deploy philosophical thinking about ‘national subjects’. He encountered with Heidegger through Miki Kiyoshi. Park Jong-hong had paid much attention to the philosophical thinking ‘crisis of modernity’ that after discussing the impact of the Kyoto School. However, Chong-hong Pak had a self-conscious as a ‘backward people’ in the post-colonial Korea as it was not able to accept western criticism of modern philosophy. His philosophical topic since the 1950s, was not a ‘modern criticism’, was the ‘modern achievements’. Park Jong-hong had argued that could lead to new ideas to overcome the crisis of the modernity to accommodate modern technological civilization of the West based on Korean traditions. He was considered more important than what is out in the ‘backward countries’ status in order not to be a “Loser of the day”. He highlighted were the ‘tradition’, then it was not just the past, the tradition itself. It was a kind of clue to find the resources in the affirmative, which can overcome the ‘backwardness’. Park Jong-hong sought the resources needed to overcome the backwardness and modernization march in the tradition. He was connected to the Confucian tradition of the Joseon Dynasty and the National ethical practice of the awareness and integrity. He highlighted were the ‘national subjectivity’ since the 1960s, which was coupled with the need of rulership for configuring actively embark on industrial subjects have the will and commitment. After the WWⅡ the Kyoto School philosophers of Japan have enacted the <Expected Japanese> to construct a ‘new national subject’, Park Jong-hong had a strong influence on the Kyoto school shortly thereafter was based on the <National Education Charter> to raising ‘national subject’ in Korea. After December 1970 the President appointed a special adviser he produced an ideology advocating the authoritarian leadership and commitment of the President in 1972 after the establishment of the Yushin(Revitalizing Reforms) Constitution.

This paper focuses on how the field of Gyeongju is memorized in process of excavation and development in peorid of Park, Chungg-hee Government. On the one hand this paper investigated how people participated in excavation and development of ancient city of Gyeongju memory their experiences today. On the other hand, this paper treated memories about cultural community, mainly Gyeongju Museum School and the Society of Silla Culture in Gyeongju built by Mr. Hongsup Chin and Mr. Gyeongyeol Yoon. The movement of cultural community was not counter-part of nation-history. However we can find topic in Gyeongju Museum School and the Society of Silla Culture in Gyeongju different path to dominant national-history. The national-history located Gyeongju as center of nation-history with competition between the systems of North Korea and South Korea. The analyses of memories about excavation and development is how the national-history was built by dominant group. Simultaneously the existence and influence of independent cultural community offer the forecast of cleavages in dominant national-history.

This paper reveals more concretely the complex meaning that the nationalistic power, the state / people relations, and the modernization have carried, by approaching norms and practices of the ‘cooperation’ conduct-regime of Saemaulundong in the Park Chung-hee administration period. Its objective is realized through the method describing jointly in two directions, referring to discourses, stories of personal experiences, reportages, written records, field investigations, etc. relating to Saemaulundong. One is the stream of description about the logics and the normalities that the cooperation regime of Saemaulundong had kept, in other words the original intentions that members of the state and the ruling classes including Park Chung-hee had conceived. The other is the stream of description about the effects that some techniques of power employed by the Park Chung-hee administration had been producing, accompanied by dysfunctions for those norms. Main arguments of this paper are as in the following. First, the ‘cooperation’ of Saemaulundong in the 1970s was not a foundation neither a form of any democracy. It was the statist norm and the regime inculcated or developed according to rationalities of discipline and government. Second, the ‘cooperation’ of Saemaulundong in the 1970s had been greatly defined by expectations for ‘individual interests’ and those realizations. This result was associated with statist actions that had actively instilled a desire for increasing higher income to people, emphasizing the importance ‘money’ and ‘living well’ closely related. Third, the ‘cooperation’ of Saemaulundong in the 1970s could have been invigorated by ‘competition’, still encouraged by the state. ‘Competition’ had been a crucial propellant of ‘cooperation’ and also its outcome. Paradoxically, ‘cooperation’ had showed its effects contrary to ‘cooperation’. To sum up, in ‘the age of the state’, the state herself had performed actions helping forward significant changes in her status.