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2015, Vol., No.118

  • 1.

    Festival on the Paesu(浿水) and Myth in Goguryeo(高句麗)

    Na, Hee-Ra | 2015, (118) | pp.5~42 | number of Cited : 6
    According to the biography of Goguryeo in 『Suseo(隋書)』, the Goguryeo people, including the king, celebrated several rites at Paesu(浿水) side at the beginning of every year. In this festival, the king contacted with water by the medium of the clothes and the congregator, dividing into both sides, did mimic battle. These rites was not the individual elements but the integrant elements that continued the whole ritual. When new times began, it was the most important that the vitality of the king to take responsibility for the welfare was renewed. The king contacted with water by his clothes. This was the rite that purified from the impurity and got the sacred power of water. So the king obtained the power to govern the new world in new time. The expansion of these meaning was doing the mimic battle. Many people were divided into two opposing group and did battle. They thought that they got the vitality of their community renewed and the new order restored by doing this battle and driving out the bad. Therefore the festival at the Paesu was the ritual for royal authority and the public ritual. This ritual was reflected in their myth on the foundation of a state, such as mythical birth of the founder after the battle between the sun-god and the water-god and foundation of a state after the battle between the founder side and Buyeo army. Goguryeo people reenacted the events of their foundation myth in the public festival at the river. It not only renewed the vitality of the king and the community but also reminded the people of the greatness and legitimacy of foundation of the state.
  • 2.

    Review of the Significance in Establishing Jinheungwang Sunsubi

    Park, Cho-rong | 2015, (118) | pp.43~78 | number of Cited : 7
    This study originates from the question of why King Jinheung established sunsubi (monuments commemorating the king’s tour). The kings of the Three Kingdoms before King Jinheung had also performed sunsu (tour of the country), but there are no records or epitaphs proving that they had established sunsubi. In addition, the form of Jinheungwang Sunsubi is unprecedented in previous Silla or Goguryeo monuments. Chapter 2 examined the process in which sunsu(巡狩) rites were established in China, as well as cases in which sunsubi was constructed. This provided a reference of square stones(刻石) built after the sunsu by Qin Shi Huang when sunsubi was built in Silla, and sunsubi of the north latitude. Moreover, 『Classic of Documents(尙書 Sangseo or 書經 Seogyeong)』 that is presented frequently as the evidence of sunsu may have served as an important material for Jinheungwang Sunsubi. Chapter 3 reviewed Jinheungwang Sunsubi in the perspective of sunsu rites(儀禮), assuming that King Jinheung’s sunsu was performed after accepting China’s concept of sunsu. Furthermore, this study intended to clarify the social and ideological significance of King Jinheung’s sunsu. The reason why sunsubi claimed to advocate the ideology of royal politics based on 『Classic of Documents』 was interpreted in line with the change in the local ruling system. The attempt to win popularity from the public with moral influence (德化) was grounded on the social and ideological change in which the subjugated class under the indirect rule during the era of Maripgan was perceived as the citizens(公民) of the king in the 6th century. This perception will be the answer to the question of why sunsu was performed and the epitaph was written based on China’s concept of sunsu. According to China’s concept of sunsu, the term refers to how the emperor(天子) confirms his authority through a memorial service(祭儀) and secure legitimacy to rule by inspecting civil affairs(民政). Accordingly, China’s sunsu was adopted by Silla as a universal logic to support the legitimacy of the king’s rule over the newly acquired regions and the people(民). In fact, this ideology might have been proclaimed directly or indirectly in the process of sunsu rites. Jinheungwang Sunsubi was established as the final output and symbol of such sunsu rites.
  • 3.

    A Review on Feasibility of Jajang(慈藏)’s Entering Purpose to Tang and Entering Date- Based on Minji(閔漬)’s 「Jeil Josa Jeongi(第一祖師傳記)」 -

    Jungseop Youm | 2015, (118) | pp.79~122 | number of Cited : 16
    Jajang is an important person who is mentioned more frequently than Wonhyo and Euisang in 『Samgug Yusa』. In spite of it, the materials about Jajang are very limited and, furthermore, Chinese materials such as Doseon(道宣)’s 「Jajangjeon(慈藏傳)」 in 『Soggoseungjeon(續高僧傳)』 and Korean ones such as 『Samgug Yusa』 are conflicting with each other because of different descriptions. So, it is rather hard to draw out a reasonable solution from just two kinds of materials. What can give us a way out in this problem is 「Jeil Josa Jeongi」 in 『Odaesan Sajeoggi(五臺山事蹟記)』 written by Minji in 1307.’ One of the differences about Jajang between Chinese and Korean materials is the purpose that Jajang entered Tang and the date that he entered there. First, in relation with the entering purpuse to Tang, Doseon said ‘to learn the advanced Buddhism of Jangan in Tang’, but Ilyeon said ‘to meet Mañjuśri Bodhisattva(文殊菩薩) personally at Odaesan in Sanseoseong(山西省)’, conflicting with each other. But, in 「Jeil Josa Jeongi」, Minji said that Jajang passed through Jangan to reach Odaesan. This describing structure of Minji is drawing out a reasonable solution to reconciling two different views. Next, in relation with the date for Jajang to enter Tang, two theories of 638 and 636 are conflicting with each other. In this problem, this paper showed that Jajang’s entering date to Tang was intentionally pulled up because the date problem happened in the process that his entering purpose to Tang was changed to the personal meeting with Mañjuśri. Such solution was also derived from Minji’s 「Jeil Josa Jeongi」. Therefore, the approach to Jajang through 「Jeil Josa Jeongi」 in 『Odaesan Sajeoggi』 can give us a more advanced solution than the conflicting conventional materials.
  • 4.

    The foundation and tradition of Jeongamsa through its records and relics

    Jung Byung Sam | 2015, (118) | pp.123~157 | number of Cited : 13
    Jeongamsa handed down that it was founded by monk Jajang who tried to meet Manjusri but not resulted. To this time, we cannot find the clear evidence of Jajang’s trace. The excavation at Jeongamsa in 2013~2014, we get some roof tiles which were made in 9th century, late Silla. So we have clear evidence that this temple was founded late Silla. In late Silla, they told that Jeongamsa was certainly founded by Jajang. The relics of Jeongamsa were concentrated vinaya school of Goryeo. It shows that Jeongamsa was deeply related to Jajang in early Goryeo. This shows that Jajang might go to Odaesan and Jeongamsa. This tradition was generalized at 10th century and transmitted to Dunhuang documents. Many records wrote about Jajang and Odaesan. But most of them did not say that Jajang found temple at Odaesan besides they said that there was a temporary locate. They said that Jajang founded Jeongamsa (Seoknamwon) altogether. The difference of them were Odaesan faith devided several trends but Jeongamsa kept one tradition. In late Silla, Beomil and his family’s power spreaded strongly to Gangwon Buddhism. With this trend, Jeongamsa record of Jajang was connected to that of Odaesan through Sudasa monk. Most results of excavation of Jeongamsa were the relics of early Goryeo period. The discuss on Jeongamsa Sumano stupa shows that it was builted in early Goryeo succeed to Silla style. And Jeongam-sa prospered in early Goryeo which stressing vinaya school. Sumano stupa maintained Silla style in its configuration of the ground, structure and upper parts. The history of Jeongamsa has evident position. A detailed picture of Jeongamsa in late Joseon noticed that this temple was well known for sarira faith based on Sumano stupa. With this sarira the stupa was restored continually. In Gojong period, Heungseondaewongun and Andong Kims family led the reconstruction of the stupa with the whole country. So Jeongamsa was the holy place of sarira faith. At the heart of that faith, there was the Buddha stupa which constructed by Jajang.
  • 5.

    An Analysis of the Rituals of Khitan Envoy’s Reception in Early Goryeo

    Jung-Soo Han | 2015, (118) | pp.159~201 | number of Cited : 12
    Abstract PDF
    This study aims at examine how Goryeo receive Khitan envoy and treat him in banquets in the court for welcome and seeing out him. Firstly, I seek out friendly relation between two dynasties and its principle, ceremony and symbolism. I arrange conditions and features of Khitan envoy’s comings and goings and how they reflect characters of international relationship for tribute and investiture. Secondly, I analyze the content of receptive ritual for Khitan envoy in Goryeo. For example, rituals for Josaeui who delivered royal edicts and Gibokgochiksa who granted king to operate state affairs again were analyzed. Finally, I examine the scale and status of Khitan envoy who came to Goryeo and banquets for him. After these examination, I concluded as follows. Relation between Goryeo and Khitan was not one-sided subordinate relationship due to power superiority. Goryeo’s efforts for self-reliance were reflected in the process of establishing relation to Khitan and Khitan should consider these efforts. However, I can’t say that relation between Goryeo and Khitan was not relationship of submission to the stronger. I can say that this relation had dual character as state faith and submission to the stronger. Goryeo made efforts to reflect this character of relation in the ceremony receiving Khitan envoy. It reflected the status and cultural level of Goryeo dynasty. Banquets in the court for Khitan’s envoy reflected these facts.
  • 6.

    Reexamination of relevant data concerning the Mount Odae(五臺山) cult in Korea - Critical Analysis of records inside Remaining History of the Three Dynasties -

    Kwangyeon Park | 2015, (118) | pp.203~232 | number of Cited : 17
    Examined in this article are remaining historical references to the beliefs and mythology that involved the Mount Odae in Korea, in order to provide a critical analysis that would help define and progress the ongoing discussion concerning the validity of Mount Odae related records inside Remaining History of the Three Dynasties(三國遺事). Primarily examined are History of Mount Odae(五臺山事蹟), General History of Korean Buddhism(朝鮮佛敎通史), epigraph materials from the Shilla period and Choi Chi-weon’s own writings, personal anthologies from the Goryeo period, and Mount Wutai Illustrated(五臺山圖), excavated from the Tunhuang region. Contents of the Mount Odae-related records in History of Mount Odae and Mount Wutai Illustrated all seem to have been written in the second half of the 8th century, when the Shilla people first became aware and conscious of the Mount Wutai of the Chinese Dang dynasty. Ever since, many Shilla people went and visit the Mount Wutai, and before at least the mid-9th century, a Korean mountain in the Gang’weon-do province is known to have been named Odae(‘五臺’) as well. It seems that the cults involving Mount Odae continued to exist in the early half of the Goryeo dynasty period, but there are not much historical material to verify it. It is only in the 13th century’s latter half as well as the 14th century that relevant records apparently started to increase, which seems to have been triggered by the spreading of the “Affiliated Place for the Bodhisattva” belief. That seems like the main reason behind so many references to the Mount Odae being inserted in Remaining History of the Three Dynasties. According to Mount Wutai Illustrated, which is believed to have been created around the 10th century, a Shilla prince and an emissary allegedly visited Mount Wutai. Some believe that this Shilla prince was in fact the renowned Buddhist priest Jajang(慈藏). But Jajang only stayed in Dang up until 643, when the so-called Mount Wutai cult was not yet formed. There is another possibility. If there had been a notion that ‘Shilla prince Jajang’ once visited the Dang Chinese Mount Wutai, around the time Mount Wutai Illustrated was created, it could have been a result of certain Shilla folklore tales, based upon other earlier tales that involved Dang Mount Wutai, being created first and then spreaded to China. The examination mentioned above cast some serious doubts upon the validity of the records inside Remaining History of the Three Dynasties, which said that it was Jajang who relayed the Mount Wutai cult to Shilla, while two princes Bocheon(寶川) and Hyomyeong(孝明) stayed at Mount Odae for studies, and that it was Bocheon who established certain cults that could be used everywhere. Such presentation of events seems more like a depiction of a tale, rather than a historical description of facts. The historical background that formed such tales should be the object of discussion in future studies.
  • 7.

    Officials from Ke-ling-kou during King Chungryeol’s Regime - An Aspect of the Intermarriage Relationship between Mongol and Goryeo -

    Koh Myung Soo | 2015, (118) | pp.233~270 | number of Cited : 12
    Ke-ling-kou(怯憐口), who came to Goryeo in attendance on Princess Jegukdaejang(齊國大長公主) during King Chungryeol(忠烈王)’s regime, obtained a high position and authority relying on her power. They are generally categorized as King Chungryeol’s close associate, but such interpretation is improper in that they often did actions against the king without hesitation and put Mongol Qa’an’s opinions before the king’s. They were the bond servants giving their fealty and providing a service only to the princess, so they should be regarded as her close associate. After the death of the princess, her private possessions including Ke-ling-kou were inherited to the crown prince just as they were. After accession, King Chungseon(忠宣王) guaranteed their positions and power intactly in order to use them as his devoted servants assisting his political activities as the princess had done. They also accepted a subordinate relationship with their new lord, King Chungseon, and acted as his truly close associate.
  • 8.

    Conditions and characteristics of the GungBangjen(宮房田) in the Korean Empire

    Limyong Han | 2015, (118) | pp.271~307 | number of Cited : 0
    I analyzed Yeoju-kun yangan and Chungju-kun yangan from Gwhangmu-yangan. Yeoju has land of 10 Palace. Chungju had 5 lands. Gungbangjen(land of royal family) in two kun were land from a mere 1.87% and 0.2%. Most of the land was distributed to the 3,4 myun(面). This is not a heavy burden to the station after trying to distribute a balanced land was intended. Among the interesting places is the palace youngchinwang land. Generally Palaces owned the land in the upper grades. This rate is higher than the private land of large landowners. But only youngchinwang-palace owned low grades. 5 or 6 grade land was 80 % of the total land of the grade of land. And it had the most poor farmers. Farmers owning land in half compared to farmers in other GungBangjen. The reason is that what was. Youngchinwang is thought that there was a political intention as the next emperor. Youngchinwang gathered by the poor farmers of his land. He invested a lot of capital in land reclamation and cultivation. This helps promote agricultural productivity, it was an important means to stabilize the farmers' lives and society. The time for empires was encouraged these activities. Youngchinwang is practiced in Yeoju this campaign directly. Yeoju is particularly high compared with other regions more than barren lands, and the proportion of poor 10-20%. Therefore, this behavior would have been more effective in youngchinwang social stability.
  • 9.

    The River Improvement Project and construction irregularities under the Japanese Rule

    Choi, Byung Taek | 2015, (118) | pp.309~354 | number of Cited : 11
    In the 1920s, Concentrated heavy rain has caused flooding in many areas. This led Chosun Government-general to attempt to carry out a plan of River improvement project. That policy brought windfall profits to Japanese contract brokers. Chosun Government-general awarded lots of bid for construction works. Japanese contract brokers had formed a cartel to monopolized all the information and construction contract revenue from these construction works. Japanese officials were bribed to overlook contract brokers’ manipulation of the regulations. This problem could lead to faulty works. At that time, Faulty workmanship and the problem of wage theft were widespread across the country. To tackle this problem, Japanese authority arrested contract brokers ansd charged them with contract bid-rigging. With this as a momentum, Japanese police investigated the problems of shoddy construction. But these problems were deep structural issues. No matter what the police tried, they couldn't get rid of the problem of fraudulent construction. Thus, irregularities and corruption were rampant under the Japanese Rule. Unless these corruption be stamped out, many developments of korean society would be stymied. koreans should resolve this problem after liberation from Japanese rule.
  • 10.

    Influence of Socialism on Manners and Labor Customs among North Korean Fishermen

    JinA Chung | 2015, (118) | pp.355~390 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    Agriculture and Fisheries, important objects in People’s democratic reformand socialist cooperation, underwent ground-breaking changes in 1946~1960, and the lifestyles of North Korean farmers and fishermen were also greatly changed. This was because the People’s democratic reform and socialist cooperation were processes in which North Korea was not only changed into a People’s democratic and socialist regime, but also engaged in the creation of anti-feudal and socialist humans. Before the Korean War, North Korea took on the nationalization of important industries but recognized the existence of private commerce and industry to drive productivity, and fisheries were developed on the basis of small-size fishing industries. The North Korean regime’s policies for fisheries at that time were to make grounds for developing fishing industries under the fishermen’s scientific recognition by eliminating superstitions in a way of anti-imperialist/ anti-feudal People’s democratic reform, and to indirectly lead the fishermen to understand the superiority of national and cooperative organizations and be willing to enter the road to cooperative efforts with activation of national enterprises and fishing companies. In the course of her post-war regime competition with South Korea, North Korea was faced with the task of building socialism based on her poor productivity. North Korea did not follow the general path to socialism, that is, changes in production relations based on productivity, but came up with the way of ‘Our Way of Socialism,’ which would enhance productivity in terms of changes in production relations, and rapidly drove socialist cooperative efforts. This way might be effective when it was based on the subject’s awakening and requirement, but could never work well where the subject’s readiness was poor. Especially, in the field of fisheries, where experiences in group work and red cooperation movement were totally absent, the plan for productivity improvement in terms of the subject’s awakening was not fruitful but only showed retardation. Thus, Kim Il-seong, driving the first 5-year plan in 1957, referred to fisheries as a representative field of retardation, and strengthened the nation’s direct intervention and guidance. This was oriented toward a shift in generations in terms of aggressive allocation of new-generation communists and a rapid transition for the creation of new fishing culture with women’s engagement. This paradoxically tells us that the socialist cooperation and the creation of socialist humans could not be reached without the nation’s direct intervention and powerful guidance, and at the same time shows the way in which ‘Our Way of Socialism,’ which prioritized political leadership and ideological reform rather than socio-economic conditions, was accomplished in fisheries.