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The purpose of this study is understanding about unification of Jinhan(辰韓) by Shilla(新羅). To do that, we must think about relationship between Jinhan King and Saro state. Jinhan King existed after A.D. 280s. Before existence of Jinhan King, Jin King (辰王) controlled Jinhan states including Saro state. In 246, Wei(魏) destroyed Jin King’s controll system by battle in Giriyeong(崎離營). After the battle, eight states of Jinhan including Saro sate controlled by Lo-lang commandary(樂浪郡). In 280s, Jinhan King appeared in trade with Chin(晉). Some studies argued that Jin King was two persons. One was King of Mok-ji state(目支國) and another was King of Saro state. But Jin King was one person. Jin King appeared part of Mahan(馬韓) and part of Byon-jin(弁辰) in 『Samgookji(三國志)』. 『Samgookji』 was written by Jin-soo(陳壽). He wrote the book singly. He recorded ‘Jin King(辰王)’ once in part of Mahan and three times in part of Byon-jin. So the ‘Jin King’ in the 『Samgookji』 was one person and he was King of Mok-ji state. Jinhan King didn’t unified the Jinhan states. His state was one member of Jinhan states. Most of studies about Jinhan King argued that Jinhan King was King of Saro state. But there is no evidence. In the latter half of the third century A.D., Saro state extended territory including Kyung-joo(慶州), Wool-san(蔚山) and Po-hang(浦項). In A.D. 337, Shilla appeard in trade with China. So we can think that Shilla unified Jinhan states in the early half of the third century. Shilla unified the Jinhan states using Jinhan King’s network.

Examined in this article is the relationship between increased border patrol officers(邊將) serving in the Pyeong’an-do region during the early days of king Sukjong’s reign, and the general defense structure established in the region. The Pyeong’an-do province’s defensive installations were upgraded in the early days of Sukjong’s reign, but at the same time were based upon the existing systems where garrison farms had been established. They were close to areas like Changseong and Sakju, which were adequate places to support the overall efforts to secure and guard the pathway to Guseong, Taecheon, Unsan and Yeongbyeon. Also, in order to provide a multi-layered cover for this region, defense posts were stationed along important spots, which closely connected areas like Yisan, Byeokdong, Wiweon and Manpo to the central capital. All these newly established or upgraded facilities(including those manned by Myriarchy figures) became the foundation for the Left and Right Command structure(左右營將制), that was deployed in 1678. The Left and Right Command system was conceived as a defense strategy to protect the river side, and was a dare one compared to previous efforts. In order to protect the front line, patrol officers were stationed in defense points in the vicinity of Changseong and Sakju, Gang’gye and Manpo. These defense points deployed in the rear side of the river line did not only serve as the second line of defense(入堡處), but with the frontline served as part of a dual-layered defense line. Apparently king Sukjong, monitoring that the Qing dynasty was disrupted by the Oh Sam-gye insurrection, wanted to restructure the Joseon defense posture.

This study aims to examine the overall circumstances concerning education in Pyuang’an Province of Korea, by conducting an analysis on documents regarding three hundred fifty-four private schools founded from 1895 to 1910 in the area. By examining them, this study explains how the schools in this area had been established, by whom, with what kind of purpose. When it comes to regional characteristic in the Pyuang’an Province, because of distinctive socio-economical features to the southern provinces, it is difficult to find a strong leadership by local gentry(Sajok) in this area. Traditionally, Hyang’in the middle class in local politics, mainly controlled local affairs, including education, and local bourgeois who accumulated wealth began to participated in local policy-making in the 19th century. In addition to the socio-economic characteristic, Pyuang’an Province, where Christianity was the most powerful in Korea, accommodated western culture and education more easily. Consequently, Pyuang’an Province became the area where the most schools had been established than any other provinces in Korea, and witnessed flourishing educational business at the time. In respect to the period when private primary schools were founded, it is possible to classify the periodic trend into three groups. Period from 1894 to 1900 could be defined as ‘The Formative Period’. In this period, most of schools were established near big cities. Next, ‘The Developing Period’, from 1901 to 1905, the movement of establishment spread to rather small cities. At last, ‘The Golden Period’, since the Korea-Japan Treaty of 1905 the movement to establish a school was flourished than any other period in reaction to the treaty. Statistics also confirms that, as more than 80% of schools had been founded in this period, from 1906 to 1910. It is also analyzed that more than one school was established in every single counties(郡) of the Pyuang’an Province in this period. Generally, private schools published a prospectus when it was established. By examining that, this study confirms that most of schools were established on the purpose of ‘Enlightenment’, and ‘Self-Strengthening’, by which nation become more powerful to gain independence from Japan. Otherwise, few schools aimed at technology education or proficiency on specific skills. In some cases, some schools exploited the prospectus paper as an advertisement to ask financial aid. On the other hand, with respect to the founders of schools, there were various kind of classes who established a school, such as missionaries, Christians, local bureaucrats, and local leaders including Confucian scholars, Hyang’in, and merchants. In respect of private schools, each of classes above tends to found a school respectively, or in some cases, in cooperation between two or more bodies. First, in the case of missionaries who played an important role at the first phase, they founded schools in the Pyuang’an Province, in the sense that Korea must be redeemed by Christianity, and must learn western civilization. However, this trend had been changed gradually, as other classes began to join the movement to found a school spurred by spread of western education. In addition, foundation of scholastic societies from 1907 accelerated the movement, and contributed to bring the ‘Golden Period’ as well.

In the summer of 1936, a group of medical students from Tokyo, Japan and the folklorists of the Attic Museum conducted an investigation into the economic and hygienic state of Dal-ri Village of Ulsan and the folklore of its community (Dal-ri Survey). The investigation, which was purely in the private dimension under the auspice of Keizo Shibusawa, was a unique encounter and experience between the Korean public and the elites of Korea and Japan via everyday life. The villagers’ attitude toward the investigation group was so cold that the investigators were able to feel it themselves, and there were complaints about the colonial rule of Japan as well as their national animosity. Even though the investigation group included Korean students, the farmers did not have the leisure to feel friendly towards them, suffering from “poverty” and “overwork.” Although having progressive interest in rural renovations, the student investigation group regarded Dal-ri Village as nothing but a community of others that was poor and unhygienic and evoked its sympathy. As far as the folklorists were concerned, it was merely a subject of scientific investigation to compare one of the representative colonial rural villages with the folklore of Japan. The investigation process of Dal-ri and also the records about its economy, hygiene, and folklore produced in the process and the folk artifacts collected in the process represented an “archiving” work for a colonial rural village for outside professionals in the fields of modern medicine and science. Dal-ri Village in the year of 1936 was set as one of the commonest and most representative agricultural villages in Joseon by the investigation group, which was why they did not actively reflect the changes, breakup, and internal cracks of the village community that were fully happening in the Dal-ri Survey. This study examined the mutual perceptions between the subjects of the Dal-ri Survey and the villagers and the pluralistic meanings of its archiving as well as those characteristics.

This article is to set the concept and category of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces through a historical approach in the introductory manner. Although it has been 30 years since the issue of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces was raised and its problem-solving efforts were started, an agreement on the concept and category of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces has not been reached between researchers, activists and the authorities concerned. It is because its characteristics of the researches and movements developing the problem-solving movements based on rashly judged or historically biased researches of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces with the characteristics of the homeland victims taken into account and reconstructed through official documents. On top of that, the right wing forces in Japan have turned this issue into a political contest, which makes the efforts for its recognition and resolution of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces complex and contradictory. It is necessary to consider how the historical background to the system of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces began in order to have productive discussions on the concept and category of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces. To establish the military discipline of soldiers while maintaining the repressive military organization, Japanese forces was engaged in satisfying the sexual appetite of the soldiers and tried to solve it. There were three ways of reacting to it; establishment of new comfort stations, toleration of the sexual violence which the Japanese soldiers had committed in the occupied areas, and utilization of the Japanese authorities-managed prostitution facilities. From among these, the second and third cases are controversial in defining the concept and category of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces. It is asserted in this article that priority consideration will be given to the historical peculiarities of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces issue as a ‘system’ in order to set up the concept and category of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces, which is not to blur the victims of sexual violences during the war but to examine how repressed the human right of women were and they were sexually instrumentalized frequently crossing the legal and illegal during the War in the Pacific by showing the spectrum of the wartime sexual assaults committed by the Japanese forces. It will be possible to seek the solutions in consideration of their respective peculiarities along with the examination of their causes in the fundamental dimensions of the wartime sexual violences which are considered as the issue of the common sexual slaves after the definition is made on the basis of the historical facts of ‘Comfort Women’ drafted into the Japanese forces utilized in the framework of the permission through the regulations of the Japanese governments and Japanese forces.

I reviewed oral statements from victims of Japanese military sexual enslavement in Shanxi Sheng, China in different categories and concluded as follows: First, most victims stated that they had been enslaved from 1939 to 1941, as the area in which they lived was at that time under Japanese rule. In addition, the Imperial Japanese Army was heavily defeated during the Hundred Regiments Offensive in 1940, but then reoccupied the region in 1941; in the postwar years, the Japanese military committed various atrocious acts. Second, the periods of confinement varied according to each victim; some claimed that they were locked up and raped for more than a year, while others mentioned a few days or roughly a dozen days. Some were raped by several Japanese soldiers, while others by one or two continuously. This infers that Japanese sexual enslavement had developed in stages from the early years to the stabilized periods of occupation. Third, as implied from the confinement periods and the number of Japanese soldiers involved in sexual violence, it is inevitable Chinese traitors (Hanjian) and puppet groups who cooperated with the Japanese military would be brought up. Some victims stated that they were picked up by Chinese traitors (Hanjian), collected by puppet groups due to requests by the Japanese soldiers, or persistently asked by officers of puppet groups and had no choice but to accept it. Fourth, it was revealed that there were financial dealings between the Japanese military and puppet groups, including the Maintenance Association, which Japanese soldiers directly asked for money in order to release the victims. Furthermore, personal connections, especially relatives who were closely interacting with Japanese soldiers, were utilized as ‘sources’ for discharges. As such, women without money or social networks were not able to be saved and ended up being abandoned with completely damaged bodies. Lastly, victims of the Japanese military sexual enslavement have serious after-effects. Not only scars on their bodies, but also second and third psychological and social damage have been torturing the victims. Sexual violence against women always entails a cruel disgrace with regard to the victims, rather than perpetrators; the victims during the Sino-Japanese War were no exception.