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2017, Vol., No.127

  • 1.

    A study on the change of East palace and character of Imhaejeon in Silla

    Jeon Deogjae | 2017, (127) | pp.5~54 | number of Cited : 12
    This paper examines the character and its changes of Silla’s East Palace, as well as the construction time, place and the features of Imhaejeon. Among the Samguksagi’s records that describe the period before the 19th year of King Munmu’s reign(679), no information about Three Kingdoms’ East Palace can be found. For the first time, the East Palace was built in Silla in 679. Donggunga and Donggungkwan were installed in the 11th year of King Gyeongdeok’s reign(752). Until 752, the East Palace was recognized as just one of the secondary palaces that were located on the east side of the main palace. In 752, King Gyeongdeok newly established the organizations under East Palace which centered around the Donggunga, Eoryongseong and Setaek offices. He also moved some government offices to Donngungkwan including Woljijeon, which was previously under the management of Naeseong. These measures were implemented to strengthen his royal authority by stabilizing operations of the Crown Prince System. Consequently, the East Palace institutionally became a guaranteed Crown Prince’s space. As the Crown Prince System worked normally in the late 9th century, awareness that East Palace was a Crown Prince’s place spread widely. However, until the closing years of Silla, the East Palace was still regarded as a complex space due to the coexistence of the residence and office of Crown Prince such as Sajeongdang and Ugung, and the spaces that included buildings as Imhaejeon where King’s banquets were held. There are three buildings that are placed on the North and South side of Imhaejeonji. Considering some factors as the fact that name of Imhaejeon’s main gate was ‘Imhaemoon’, which was built on the west side of Wolji, and the similarities between the building arrangements of Daimyung Palaces Indeokjeon and those of Imhaejeon, it is highly likely that people called those three buildings altogether by name ‘Imhaejeon’ around the 19th year of King Munmu’s reign(679).
  • 2.

    Chaekbong ceremony of Silla and its function

    Miha Chai | 2017, (127) | pp.55~96 | number of Cited : 9
    Abstract PDF
    This thesis is studying the political function that Chaekbong ceremoy had internally and externally. First of all, it is studies about the coming and going of envoys and its ceremony. Seeing the example of King Hyegong, Silla sent Goaesa and Saunsa to Tang around the time of Chaekbong, while Tang sent Chaekmyungsa concurrent Joje. And seeing the example of Tang’s envoy, Hyungsook in king Hyosung period, various ceremonies including Binrye were performed in the course of rendering and receiving Chaekbong between Silla king and Tang emperor. Such ceremonies performed around Chaekbong had political character, and the ceremonies had inseparable relation with Chaekbong. Chaekbong is an idea about Chinese centered order to world, so Tang emperor sent Chaekmun, Gwango, Jeongjeol, Yemul etc. to Silla specifying that Tang is Chenjaguk(emperor country) and Silla is feudal country(Beonguk). But Silla’s kings would take Tang Chaekbong for granted, not sending Saunsa after taking it. And Silla also became a owner of Chaekbong that king Munmu did a Chaekbong to king Bodeokguk, so Pyo sent by Ansung had the same form as Pyo sent from Silla toTang. King Aejang would take Jogong from Tamla. As these showed, Silla’s kings also tried to realize the idea of Chaekbong by placing 번국. In the meanwhile, On his 6th king year, king Aejang took Chaekbong from Tang, and On his 9th king year, he asked for Chaekbongjoseo of his father, king Soseong. However king Aejang did chaekbong to the queen and king’s mother before Chaekbong from Tang and treated Chaekmyeongsa concurrent Goaesa poorly. King Aesjang broke out of pro-Tang foreign policy taking good foreign policy with Japan and seiged military power through his 5 years filing. Seen from this, king Aejang focused ruling power to king himself before his own ruling in his 6th king year. Begining his own ruling on this base, king Aejang did chaekbong to queen and king’s mother and could treat poorly chaekmyeongsa concurrent Goaesa from Tang, and Tang’s chaekbong rendered later was only a formal thing to him.
  • 3.

    The Progress and the Features of the Rites for Heaven and Earth in Woongjin and Sabi Capital-period, Baekje Dynasty

    Kang Jin Won | 2017, (127) | pp.97~136 | number of Cited : 3
    The status of the joint rites for heaven and earth(天地合祭) had been weakened due to the domestic political insecurity of Woongjin capital-period. Later, the concept of five-emperors(五帝) was accepted in Baekje while the Baeckje people carried out cultural exchange from liang (梁) dynasty. Then, the rites for heaven and five-emperors began to emerge, eventually replacing the joint rites for heaven and earth. Baekje’s five-emperors were given the heaven-god identity according to the six-heaven theory(六天說) that Zheng Xuan(鄭玄) created. Traditionally, the Baekje people viewed heaven-god as ancestor-god. Because the five-emperors had a kind of blood relationship with royal progenitors, they could accept the six-heaven theory easily. Although the rites for heaven and five-emperors in Baekje got influenced by Chinese Jiaosi(郊祀), it had different aspects. The rites for heaven and the five-emperors were held equally in the south suburb(南郊), because the six-heaven theory was maintained in Baekje. Also, the ritual was practiced in the middle month(仲月) of each season, because the Baekje people regarded the rite for heaven as the rite for ancestor. Additionally, it was practiced grandly in summer and fall for the harmony with local community. Also, being held frequently, it contributed to the reinforcement of royal authority. In these respects, we can see the rites for heaven and five-emperors worked independently in Baekje.
  • 4.

    The Character and Role of Goguryeo Daero(對盧)

    Lee, Gyu-Ho | 2017, (127) | pp.137~170 | number of Cited : 5
    This Article has examined about Goguryeo Daero(對盧)’s character and role. By the ancient historic texts, Daero is appeared at 3rd century, and that was corresponding realtion with Paeja(沛者). Because of few record about Daero at that time, by comparison with Paeja’s character and role is the way of answer. As the result, Daero was replace Paeja since 3rd century and hold its place as prime official rank after 4th century. According to Goeulduk’s epitaph(高乙德墓誌銘), Daero was member of the Pyeongdae(評隊). Pyeongdae was main national administrating organization that is operated by five high official rankers. And Daedaero(大 對盧) was prime minister of Goguryeo, and chief of the Pyeongdae. Daero taked role of elder, adviser. Daero was powerful candidate of Daedaero election. Because Daero had prime official rank since 4th century. Consider about the process of Goguryeo’s official rank development, Daedaeo is derived from Daero. And alternation of Dardaero per three year means that proved strong relations with Daedaero and Daero.
  • 5.

    Deciphering the Goguryeo Inscription Stones excavated in Pyongyang Fortress and reconsidering the Locations

    Ki, Kyoung-ryang | 2017, (127) | pp.171~214 | number of Cited : 7
    Jangan Fortress is a castle in the late Goguryeo. In connection to the vitalization of studies of the history of ancient castles, it attracts researchers’ attention. The most basic materials in studies of Jangan Fortress are the inscription stones excavated in Pyongyang during the Goguryeo period, and till now, five stones have been excavated. Research on the inscription stones of Pyongyang Fortress is still insufficient. There are divided opinions among the scholars in deciphering them, and especially, their opinions were divided very much, concerning the excavated area, so virtually, there is no established theory about them. The reason why disputes over the area where the inscription stones were excavated are developed confusingly is the inconsistency of information that is seen in the literature record on inscription stones during the Joseon Dynasty period. Therefore, it is necessary to work on analyzing this reasonably. This study made a new proposal about the location where Inscription Stone No. 1 excavated in Pyongyang Fortress, was found, over which there have been divergent disputes till now. According to Kim Jeong-hee’s writing in Haedonggeumseogwon and Oh Gyeong-seok’s in Samhangeumseongnok, inscription stones were excavated in Otan. However, it is clear that Stones 2 and 3 were excavated in Hansajeong Pavilion in the south of the outer castle. Therefore, it is understood that the inscription stone alleged to have been excavated from Otan was Stone 1. In addition, if it is certain that the site where Stone 1 was discovered is near Otan, the content of the fortification inscribed in Stone 1 is concerned with the wall in the south of the middle castle. Concerning the location of the area where Stone 5 was excavated, it was found that errors in Goguryeo Pyongyang Fortress written by Choi Hee-rim of North Korea in 1978 are followed till now. This study presented the location that corrected this, using a tool like Google Earth.
  • 6.

    The relationship between stone engraved art of the Northern Wei Luoyang period and Goguryeo tomb murals

    Song, Jun-hyuk | 2017, (127) | pp.215~260 | number of Cited : 0
    The Northern Wei was established in A.D. 398 in Pingcheng and the culture of the Xianbei race was prevalent. The majority of the tomb art of this period are composed of tomb murals and such an atmosphere is well reflected here. However, in A.D. 494, Emperor Xiaowendi moves the capital to Luoyang and the culture of the Han nationality becomes prevalent. Emperor Xiaowendi abandons the language and dress etc. of the Xianbei race and implements a Sinification policy. The majority of the tomb art of this period are composed of stone engravings and tomb murals are few and the culture of the Han nationality is strongly reflected here. In Northern Wei Luoyang period tombs only five tomb murals like those found in Goguryeo have been found. Even these have been severely damaged and therefore it is difficult to understand the whole aspect of the art of this period through tomb murals. However, the stone engraved art of the Northern Wei period found until the present time number over thirty and compose an overwhelming majority. In this paper I will examine the cultural-artistic exchanges between Northern Wei and Goguryeo not contained in textual records through the stone engraved art of this period. In consequence, firstly, I will examine the stone engraved art of the Northern Wei Luoyang period especially the present state and characteristics of the engraved stone coffins and benches with stone screens. Next, I will examine that Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism were prevalent during the Northern Wei Luoyang period and that this is reflected in the art of the period. Also, I found that stone art was a peculiar characteristic of the 40 year Northern Wei Luoyang period. Then I examined the relationship between the stone engraved art of the Northern Wei Luoyang period and Goguryeo tomb murals. This can be separated into the influence Northern Wei had on Goguryeo and reversely the influence Goguryeo had on Northern Wei. These exchanges occurred as a result of not only the official dispatch of envoys but through economic exchanges and the movement of refugees as well. Through the above examination, I could confirm that the cultural and artistic exchanges between Northern Wei and Goguryeo not contained in textual records was intimate and active.
  • 7.

    Analysis of residency and burial site in the epitaph of the refugees of Koguryo

    Sujin Kim | 2017, (127) | pp.261~312 | number of Cited : 9
    An epitaph on a tombstone provides about personal information the deceased such as residency and burial site, which was considered to be subsidiary records. However the record of private residence and burial site demonstrates the spatial stature of one’s lifetime and the other side. The epitaph on the tombstones in Chang’an and Luoyang involves significant clues to trace of the refugees of Koguryo. The bureaucrats of Tang preferred to reside at the east side of the main road of Chang’ancheng. High ranking officials resided at the northen region in front of Daminggong, which was known as the Gold Coast of Chang’ancheng. Owning a residency in the northeastern district in Chang’ancheng, implied power and wealth. The refugees of Koguryo and there descendants such as, Ko Che-sŏk(高提昔), Ch’ŏn Nam-saeng(泉男生), Ch’ŏnbi(泉毖) and Wang Mo-chung(王毛仲) resided in the northeastern district. As this relevant district became popular, the neighborhood was already overcrowded around the mid 8th century. In that time, Ko Sŏn-chi (高仙芝) and Nam Dan-tŏk(南單德), who advanced into Chang’ancheng had no choice but to reside at the central district although they were high ranking officials. High ranking officials generally owned a main house in the northeastern district, and a villa in the western district. Ko Sŏn-chi also owned a main house in the northeastern district, and a villa in the western district. The refugees of Koguryo also resided in Luoyang. As the governmental center moved to Luoyang at the Wu Zhou Period, the refugees engaged in the government also moved. Ch’ŏn Hŏn-sŏng(泉獻誠), Ko Mo(高牟), Wang Mo-chung(王毛仲), Ko Tŏk(高德), Mrs. Ko(高氏夫人), Ko Chin(高震), and Yi Sa-to(李師道) were verified as refugees of Koguryo and their descendants, who resided in Luoyangcheng. However, the residential areas were not classified by social classes as Chang’ancheng, and the refugees’s residency showed no tendency as well. Burial sites were usually constructed in the suburbs nearby residence. The residents of the northeastern district were mostly in Donggyo(東郊), the east suburb. The high ranked refugees’s burial site also shows an identical pattern. Spatial discrimination during lifetime continued after death. Meanwhile, the refugees who moved to Luoyang as bureaucrats, generally constructed their burial sites in Mangshan.
  • 8.

    Introduction of Jejoryu Offices in Late Goryeo and Its Meaning

    Jounghoon Lee | 2017, (127) | pp.313~348 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this study is to investigate the introduction background of the new jejoryu(diverse controlling department) offices and the function and meaning of the jejoryu offices. In order to solve the problem that the six departments, which were the highest administrative bodies of the executive administration in Goryeo, could not control Gaksa(administrative sub-department) and they were operated independently, the government officials who were rich in administrative experience were temporarily appointed to the Pansa(判事) to smoothly carry out the administrative tasks of the six departments. However, the judges were not only set up continuously, but also turned to the regular position receiving the salary. As a result, the original function of the judge was lost. In the late period of the Goryeo, while the central political organization was operated in an independent structure, the king was unable to properly control the individual government offices due to Chinjo(親朝) and Jungjo(重祚). In this situation, the regularization of Pansa worsened the confusion in administrative and state situations. In the late Goryeo age, the Jejoryu offices of Yuan were introduced in order to replace the Pansa office. Yuan had various Jejoryu offices, such as Jegeo(提擧), Jejeom(提點) and Jejo(提調). These offices were assigned to carry out specific tasks or installed over the ministers of specific offices to supervise them. Goryeo noticed such Jejoryu offices and introduced them step by step. In the reform of the ruling system which King Chungseon carried out at his restoration to the power, Jegeo and Jejeom were installed to operate new or strengthened warehouses or supervise the work of the rearranged administrative offices. From the restoration year of King Chunghye, Jejo was introduced, gradually replacing Pansa, Jegeo, and Jejeom. However, in the Goryeo era, Jejo could not completely replace Pansa, and the two were concurrently remained till the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty. Pansa was originally set up to overcome the problems caused by the independent operation of central administrative organizations while not ruling and directing the six departments. Though Jejo was to replace Pansa, Jejo was installed, unlike Pansa, just in the offices with special task such as Chango(倉庫) and Seungnogsa(僧錄司). It means that the operation of political system was changing from the structure that one political office had to supervise the tasks of all sub-offices and to control all the officials to the one that the hierarchy of offices were defined and the offices with higher authority managed or controlled those with lower authority - especially, 6 departments(6 Jos) managed or controlled Gaksa.
  • 9.

    The character of Sa-Mun(斯文) in 15th century in the point of role of Literary(文章)

    Oh Sehyun | 2017, (127) | pp.349~396 | number of Cited : 3
    Sa-Mun(斯文) is the word that Confucius(孔子) express the pride of inherit the cultural heritage of King Wén of Zhōu(周文王). Sa-Mun mean the literary tradition putting together literature, history and philosophy of Zhou Dynasty and also become synonymous with Confucianism. Realistically the status of Literary(文章) toward Sa-Mun’s advance was held in great esteem. But Neo-Confucianism was built in Song Dynasty, the negative recognitions on the role of literary appear and some moralizer emphasize the value of ethics. Ethics-based explaining the confucian scriptures(講經) and literary-based literary composition show different position in the process of holding a gwageo(科擧) between Jeong Do-jeon(鄭道傳) and Kwon Geun(權近) directly after the establishing Joseon Dynasty. Taejong(太宗) of Joseon support Kwon Geun‘s discussion and emphasize the role of literary toward Sa-Mun’s advance in the reality of politics. Besides the topics most frequently discussed on Sa-Mun is the religious service on the Confucian shrine. The discussion that assert Kwon Geun is the most suitable person about the religious service on the Confucian shrine prove the important role of literary toward Sa-Mun’s advance. Seo Geo-jeong(徐居正) is the representative person who emphasize the role of literary toward Sa-Mun’s advance in the late 15th century. He emphasize that the wide knowledge about the confucian scriptures and the various kinds of writings carry out the important role of national spread of Neo-Confucianism. He also emphasize that the decisive role is up to not virtue but literary. Kim Jong-jik(金宗直) is the person who has a interest in the value of literary and the value of ethics. Existing research grasp these simultaneously character as directly-opposed feature. But we need to reconsider the problem that make a dichotomous division between ethics and literary. Also we need to partitively look the role of ethics and literary in the point of practical usefulness. Seong Hyun(成俔) who criticize the ethics as the exclusive character prove that then scholar-official(士大夫) was absorbed in the literary and regard the value of literary as a important thing.
  • 10.

    The Significance of the Publication of Tagyeong Seonsaeng Yeonbo in 1874: a Source Criticism

    Kim YoungDoo | 2017, (127) | pp.397~440 | number of Cited : 3
    This paper studies the chronology of Tagyeong Kim Il-son’s life to examine the details of its publication in 1874, the authenticity of the chronology through a content analysis, and the social and ideological significance of its publication. Kim Il-son was a “Sagwan (historical compiler)” during King Seongjog’s reign who recorded the events that occurred during the reign of King Sejo. His records provided a reason for Muosahwa (the Literati Purge in 1498), during which he was executed. However, he was reinstated after the Jungjong Banjeong (King Jungjong’s restoration) and posthumously honored as a loyal subject in the late Joseon period. A manuscript of Tagkyeong Seonsaeng Yeonbo (the Chronology of Master Tagyeong’s Life), compiled by his nephew Kim Dae-yu, was discovered in 1874. Regarded as a valuable record of Kim Il-son, it was published that same year in Seoul under the collaboration of Kim’s descendents in various regions. Soon afterwards, another version of the chronology was published in Cheongdo. The Cheongdo version eliminated the explanation of the family line which preserved the chronology. Kim Il-son’s career history and friendship relations recorded in the chronology are quite different from the records of the Annals of Joseon Dynasty. Especially, there are notable differences between Yeonsangun Ilgi(Life of Yeonsangun) and the chronology regarding Kim’s friendship relations. His companionship with saengyuksin (six loyal subjects) is emphasized in the chronology. However, the term saengyuksin was created in the 18th century. Therefore, the chronology cannot have been compiled in the 16th century as claimed. It is highly likely that the chronology was created in the late Joseon period by the people who claimed to be the descendents of Kim Il-son to assert their legitimacy as the main line of descent. They claimed that they were the descendents of Kim Gaeng, the first son of Kim Dae-jang, the adpoted son of Kim Il-son. In reality, Jangryewon (Bureau of Ceremony) acknowledged them as the main descendent of Kim Il-son based on the chronology in 1902. Before the publication, the family in Cheongdo was known as Kim Il-son’s main descendent. In the late Joseon period, a family consciousness based on the paternal line was established. Besides, a new group of emerging powers appeared due to the socio-economic changes. They attempted to raise their social status by all means in order to be rid of their social constraints. It is assumed that they fabricated various documents including their genealogies. Critical assessment of the authenticity of historical documents would be the most basic task for the historical research of that period. However, the awareness of the necessity and importance of source criticism regarding the historical records of the late Joseon period is still quite low. The paper will serve as a momentum to call attention to this problem.
  • 11.

    Wage rules of Nihon Chisso’s fertilizer factory in Hungnam and the “ethnic issue” before and during World War II

    YANG jihye | 2017, (127) | pp.441~486 | number of Cited : 5
    This article analyzes wartime changes in the wage rules of Nihon Chisso’s fertilizer factory in Hungnam based on Nihon Chisso corporation records from the 1920s to 1945. As the largest factory in colonial Korea, the fertilizer factory in Hungnam has been a symbolic arena for investigating wartime industrialization and labor conditions. Yet, historical judgments about the factory diverge depending on the researcher’s perspective. Those who stress the positive changes that took place during the war system period have argued that it provided Korean laborers chances for promotion to skilled positions amidst the shortage of Japanese skilled laborers. However, those who stress the negative aspects of the war system have maintained that labor conditions deteriorated with the widespread influx of unskilled labor under forced mobilization policies. Both perspectives selectively highlighted a certain aspect of history, and academic discussions have been running in parallel lines. For a more comprehensive analysis, this article examines how the “ethnic issue” was discussed in the process of wartime revision of company wage rules. Wage is the most practical indicator of changes in the level of discrimination. The analysis produced the following findings: First, a comparison of the average wage of the fertilizer factory in Hungnam in 1942 and 1945 revealed that the wage gap between Japanese and Korean labors widened. This refutes the previous research that argued that the ethnic wage gap decreased throughout Korea during the war system period, based on the Annual Reports of the Governor-General of Korea. In the case of the fertilizer factory in Hungnam, it is reasonable to conclude that ethnic discrimination was not alleviated. Second, certain clauses in the wage rules reflect an alleviation of ethnic discrimination for the purpose of securing the livelihoods of laborers and incentivizing labor output. These clauses include rules on the starting wage for laborers with no prior work experience, fixed allowance, and performance-based bonus. Company welfare, introduced in the context of the total war system to lure laborers into the wartime industry and exploit them, was applied to colonial labor sites at least to a limited extent. Third, ethnic discrimination worsened despite partial efforts for alleviation. Rules on career-based additional allowance, district allowance for Japanese in Korea, promotion, and bonus reflected the increase in discrimination. Contrary to modern rules, rules on career-based additional allowance under Japanese colonial rule contained multiple clauses that gave preference to ex-soldiers, police officers, and prison wardens who were in charge of coercive labor management and military-style control of laborers. These clauses were discriminatory against Koreans laborers as they applied only to the Japanese who had a mandatory duty for military service and Korean collaborators who took part in the colonial rule. Also, an examination of the historical trajectory of the district allowance for Japanese in Korea reveals that its payment rate increased massively in the war system period. The district allowance for Japanese in Korea was especially important for the widening gap between Japanese and Korean laborers as it was applied not just to the basic salary, but also to almost all other remuneration categories. In sum, the wage rules of the fertilizer factory in Hungnam during the war system period were adjusted in the direction of strengthening ethnic discrimination. Even in wartime, large corporations in the colony were not ready to evaluate laborers based on their efficiency or ability. Ethnic discrimination in colonial Korea advanced rapidly, even in the face of the practical exigencies of the ‘total mobilization’ of the labor force.