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The authors of Samgukyusa had mainly focused on Monk Bodeuk when they edited the history of Goguryeo Buddhism section. Monk Bodeuk played a critical role in introducing Buddhism to Goguryeo from China and its popularization, and subsequently contributed to development of Silla and Baekje Buddhism, while hampering the spread of Taoism. In addition, the link of Goguryeo to King Asoka was highly emphasized as well as that of Silla. Overemphasis on the Buddhism of Silla appeared to have constrained them to document Goguryeo Buddhism in Samgukyusa. Articles on the Buddhism of Goguryeo are oversimplified. Samgukyusa lacks records of many Buddhist monks including Monk Euiyeon, who transformed practices of Goguryeo Buddhism. The authors of Samgukyusa dismissed many Goguryeo monks recorded in other Korean and foreign documents. It can be interpreted that the authors did not regard them as significant figures, who were crucial to development of Haedongbulgyo(Buddhism of the East of the Sea). However, deeds of many Goguryeo Buddhists, who worked in China, Japan, Silla and Baekje, are recorded in various historical documents. It is certain that they played an active role in development of East Asian Buddhism and contributed to its spread. Migration was very common in ancient Korea. Many monks, who were engaged with salvation and missionary works across East Asia, are acknowledged. In addition, Buddhist monks, who were closely related to the Goguryeo Buddhism in various ancient documents, were not appropriately documented or fully appreciated under the frame of the movement of East Asian Buddhism. New ideologies, popular at that time, were directly introduced to Goguryeo due to its geographic location being close to China. Goguryeo had developed into a multi-ethnic country formed by heterogenous groups of people with various ethnic origins. The fact that Goguryeo had the universality as East Asian Buddhism, became the background for publishing various Goguryeo Monks’ biographies in various documents. In future, it is required to review systematically Samgukyusa exhibiting the fragments of Guguryeo Buddhism, various historical records, and material data to understand the history of Goguryeo Buddhism as well as to distinguish its place and status in East Asia.

First of all, in this thesis, the content and characteristic of various pardon in the early Goryeo dynasty was looked into. Also, based on such content, the structure and characteristics of sentence system has been studied. After finalizing the task of unifying the Later Three Kingdoms, The Goryeo administration continued to revamp the authorizing system overall. Among the tasks was reorganizing the sentence system. However, under the name of national integration and gathering citizen’s voice in such period, pardoning criminals was implemented. Due to such order, confusion and issues risen from the sentence system. In order to solve this issue, The Goryeo administration needed to set a firm principle for implementing pardon. Pardon has been implemented since King T’aejo. Other monarchs who worshipped him declared such pardon several times after. However, during such incidents, several issues occurred. As the fairness and liability on the pardon plummeted lots of complaints and rage occurred. It was due to the random implementation rather than implementing in the right order and form. In order to solve the issues that occurred due to the pardon, they needed a revamp linked to the sentence system. It is because punishing criminals and pardoning is directly linked together. At last, by the era of King Seongjong who accepted the Confucian politics system, the basic principles of pardon such as the terminology, reason of pardon, scope, reinstatement or social special favor etc has been set up. However, due to the nature of pardon implementation, it was hard to set it up completely. The pardon differed by the political situation as it went along. In such point, pardon was different from sentence system. Nevertheless, the reason and fairness of pardon had to be kept thoroughly. If that has any issues, confusion and rage could occur. However, the debate on reason and fairness went on forever as time went by. During such progress, pardons were implemented more frequently and the content became full. The reason of such frequent pardon lies in the strengthening of centralization system in terms of politics and in terms of social economic terms, the progress of agriculture and the changes in the family dynamics.

As the international order in the East Asia shook due to the weakening of the Yuan’s power, Red Turban Army, a rebellion group of farmers of China, invaded Goryeo twice. Since the Goryeo’s military power was weakened during the Yuan’s intervention period and the military forces were dispersed due to the intrusion of the Japanese pirates and the preparations against the Jurchen people in the Northeast area, Goryeo could not fight well from the beginning at its 1st invasion in 8th year of King Gongmin, Therefore, while the invaders were being disturbed or blocked in the northwestern region, the Goryeo government issued a military policy to gather the army. The person responsible for this mission was Ahn-Woo. Ahn-Woo defeated the Red Turban Army several times in the Cheolju and the Cheong River. So, the Red Turban Army bypassed the Cheong River, went to the back of the Ahn-Woo’s army for ambush, and tried to lure the Ahn-Woo’s army. The Ahn-Woo’s army was greatly defeated by the ambush operation. The Ahn-Woo’s army had to retreat to Jeongju. Since the Goryeo army could not complete the gathering yet, Goryeo had no choice but to give up Seogyeong and it was captured by the Red Turban Army. After the fall of Seogyeong, Goryeo gathered all its troops and attacked Red Turban Army. At this time, under the leaderships and sacrifices of the commanders, including Ahn-Woo, Goryeo led the battle to victory, and the Red Turban Army, which had had originally 40,000 soldiers, went back only with 300 survivors. The second invasion of the Red Turban Army was in the 10th year of King Gongmin. As the problems faced by the first invasion were not solved yet, and the damage during the first invasion was not recovered, Goryeo’s situation was more disadvantageous than the first invasion. Moreover, the number of Red Turban Army was 200,000, or five times the number at the first invasions. So, the Goryeo government decided to use cheongya tactics, setting up the wooden barriers on Jeolryeong of Hwanghae Province, and moving people and grain to this place. This was to give up the area of Pyeongan-do including Seogyeong. And, as at the first invasion, the Goryeo Army led by Ahn-Woo began to open a guerrilla tactics in the intrusion routes of Red Turban Army. At the 2nd invasion, the Red Turban Army evade the area where they had been defeated at the 1st invasion and moved to Sakju on the inland to attack Guiju and Muju. The Goryeo Army of Ahn-Woo accomplished many achievements by launching a guerrilla warfare on the way to the Red Turban Army's invasion route. In the end, however, they were defeated in Anju due to the small number of soldiers, and retreated to Jeolryeong. While the Goryeo Army gathered at Jeolryeong, the Red Turban Army of 10,000 soldiers attached them at night. The Goryeo Army, which was raided, was greatly defeated. the Goryeo government, which thought that it was difficult to block the invasion of Red Turban Army, abandoned Gaegyeong the capital city and evacuated. After then, Goryeo succeeded in gathering 200,000 soldiers near Gaegyeong, and spied on the defensive state of the Red Turban Army. Detecting that the defense of the Sungin Gate where the enemy's main power was residing, they began to attack that area intensively and made a victory. In the end, the Red Turban Army was greatly defeated, and only about 100,000 Red Turban Army could cross back the Aprok River. Goryeo Army was a minority when compared to the Red Turban Army, but another reason why they were defeated in the first and second battles with the Red Turban Army was that they could not catch the surprise attack or detoured movement of enemies due to the failure of vigilance and ambushed by them. On the other hand, the reason why Goryeo Army could won the war was that they detected the Red Turban Army’s weakness and executed the battle plans, taking advantage of it. In other words, the most basic matters such as ambush and surprise attack frequently determined the victory and defeat of the battles. In addition to this, it can be seen that the leadership, sacrifice spirit, and bravery of Goryeo Army commanders including Ahn-Woo were the main factors of the battle victory.

This research investigated the succession process and the aspects of the Successor-Releasement by analyzing the ancient documents of Gyeogju Jeong family in order to consider family succession during the late Joseon. By escaping from the viewpoint so far that Ibhoo was success in family succession, this research intended to view the problem of succession that might occur after Ibhoo. Gyeongju Jeong family resided in Gyeonggi-do Anseong, as the descendants of eldest sons of Yanggyeonggong Jeong heegye. To see the aspects of family succession of this family, basically their succession was done by the eldest son, however, if there was no eldest son, family succession was mostly done by Ibhoo. Such conflict in the family due to the Successor-Releasement occurred due to Jeong Haengmuk’s descendant, which was developed through 3 stages. First was, a conflict by Jeong Ikhwan, who didn’t accept the idea of Pagye of him as the successor determined by the clan due to his personality and qualification. Second was, due to Jeong Ikhwan’s son, Jeong Panseok, who didn’t accept Pagye again and insisting that he was the successor of Jeong Heegye. Third was, Jeong Ikhwan’s physical exertion, such as extortion of Sapan, etc., disobeying official Pagye of Jeong Ikhwan. This way, when the conflict surrounding family succession right between the successor and the clan began, it took quite a long time, self-adjustment was not possible, eventually, such conflicts were compulsively settled by the intervention of the nation. Also, such Pagye determined by the clan nevertheless such conflict was to operate the family by selecting more suitable successors. That is, it was an output created by the change of the main agents within the clan who determined the successors, matter of qualification and personality of the existing successors, and appearance of new candidates, etc.

Heo Heon(1885～1951) is one of the most remarkable figures in Korean modern history. However, until now, there have been no master's theses and doctoral theses on this subject, and very few academic papers have been published properly. The reason for this is probably related to the fact that He participated in the ‘leftist’ national movement in ‘liberation space’ and then ‘North Korea’. Heo Heon is known to have been a leading figure in various fields such as lawyers, independence activists and politicians in the Japanese colonial period and liberation space. During the Japanese occupation, he actively worked for the independence activists and social activists as a member of the so-called ‘three-man lawyers’. In the arrested persons trial for 3.1 independent movement, he brought a blow to the Japanese law enforcement authorities with the famous ‘case of filing a petition for fire’. At the end of the 1920s he was imprisoned against the repression of the Japanese imperialism as the chairman of Shingan-hoi and was imprisoned again for the so-called ‘shortwave broadcasting incident' just before the liberation of 8.15. I have confirmed that the existing research on Heo Heon is quite wrong from his birth, family environment, growth process, immigration to Seoul, study at each school, admission to public office and passing the lawyer examination and activities. So, in this article, I focused on correcting these various errors. As can be seen through the discipline of his lawyer's dismissal from this case of Hamijŏn(下米廛), Heo Heon became a human rights lawyer representing the rights of the people. Her experiences at the beginning of the ‘Anti-Japanese lawyer’ led him to intensify the more detailed legal interpretation and worry about how the nation should protect the nation within the framework of the law.

This paper aims to identify the characteristics of secondary school teachers in the period of Japanese colony with a research target for a group of Korean teachers who served in private secondary school. The Japanese colonial government had not stipulated the qualifications of private common high school teachers in the 1910s, but after the implementation of the Second Chosun Education Act, teachers’ qualification was permitted to those who had a secondary teacher license for a private secondary school, or to those who were designated by the Japanese colonial government. As the teachers’ qualification Act was revised, the characteristics of candidates for private secondary school teachers also changed. In the 1910s, a significant number of teachers which graduated from Korean government-led schools came to join the private secondary schools. Since 1920, those who have experienced higher education abroad have made great strides to private secondary school as teachers. The country that majority of these teachers went out for study was Japan. Within the highly constrained environment under the colonial ruling, they have undertaken various activities as a specialist who completed on higher education.

Many historians interpreted that individual freedom was oppressed and liberalism was absent in Korea from 1961 to 1987 due to the authoritarian rule of military dictators such as Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan. From an economic point of view, Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan government have constantly intervened in the market, but paradoxically, it has resulted in expanding the free market and expanding the capital’s capabilities through export growth. In this context, Korean society in the 1970s and 1980s needs to be reinterpreted as an extension of economic liberalism. In this period, the ‘market and capital function’ absorbed the society and manifested itself as a person who invested in himself for socio-economic self-interest. As the income of the people increased due to the effect of industrialization, the middle class was increasing in Korea in the 1980s. However, it was the spread of self-consciousness that “I am a middle class” that was increasing more than the middle class increase on the objective indicator. The gap between objective and subjective has arisen from two dimensions: the desire of lower-class workers to “I want to be a middle class” and the improvement of the level of consumer life in society as a whole. With the spread of the middle class in the 1980s, social polarization has been partially alleviated, but the sensitivity to inequality has increased. The tutorship of the Chun Doo-hwan regime was a governing act that gathers the public’s desire for equality, but due to the competitive structure of the entrance examination at the bottom of the ban and the rising pressure of the social hierarchy, the ban has become increasingly ineffective. In the 1970s, the self-development craze started from the white-collar workers spread to students and housewives in the 1980s. In the competitive society, the individualistic desire to “live better than others” was increasing with homo-economicus. The practice of speculative capitalism and the visible consumption of the upper class provided relative poverty to the lower middle class and their sensitivity to the inequality society became more sensitive. The popular egalitarian pressure acted as the driving force of the democratic movement in the 1980s. Of all the energies that led to the democratic uprising in June 1987, what we should pay attention to is the resistance to homo-politicus for life as homo-economicus. From 1987 onwards, the performance of democratization should be reinterpreted from the historical reflection on the attempts to visualize and make the ‘non-shareholders’ as political subjects.