KJC Korea
Journal Central

The purpose of this article is to examine the research trends of the Goryeo Dynasty since 2001. Especially, since 2001, doctoral thesis has been the main subject of analysis. The number of research papers dealing with the Goryeo dynasty in history is now more than 200 a year. During the period of 2001∼2018, domestic doctoral dissertations based on Goryeo period were investigated through RISS. First, 173 doctoral dissertations were published over 18 years, with 9.61 average annual output. In 2011, there were fifteen, in 2006 and in 2012 there were thirteen, but on average, nine or ten were published each year. The number of doctoral theses in history is 85, accounting for about half of total emissions. Second, doctoral dissertations covering the Goryeo period were published in many disciplines, including the Department of History. Third, the database of the Goryeo Dynasty contributed to the expansion of the scholarship of the doctoral theses related to the Goryeo Dynasty. Fourth, there are no doctoral theses on archeology related to the Goryeo Dynasty. We have accumulated a great deal of excavation in this field, and I expect that a doctoral dissertation will soon be published in archeology.

There are two perspectives on history education: what to teach and how to teach. This study examined textbook descriptions under the consciousness of these problems. First, stereotypical narrative is continuing in textbook narrative. Political history is a story centered on strengthening the kingship. The view of diplomacy is centered on aggression and resistance. The description of Sambeo1cho is written in terms of independence. In the case of Myo-Cheong incident, Shin Chae-ho’s view is presented as a conclusion. Second, textbook descriptions do not provide students with meaningful learning experiences. It presents various interpretations compared to previous textbooks. However, the interpretation of the historian is presented as a conclusion. In other words, the students themselves are unable to provide learning experiences that explore and interpret and conclude. In order to overcome these problems, we looked at two ways of improvement. Curriculum and textbooks. In terms of the curriculum, in the long term, it is necessary to guarantee the autonomy of the curriculum at various levels such as local, school, and teacher. In addition, a minimum standard for selecting the content of the national level curriculum is needed. 1) 1)Knowledge of the minimum level of culture necessary to live as a citizen of the world, the Korean people, and the local community. 2) And knowledge to help raise democratic citizens such as critical thinking and empathy. On the textbook side, we should provide a meaningful learning experience that fosters critical thinking skills. To do this, it is necessary to critically read stereotypes. It is necessary to introduce a mystery method such as questions and inquiries. Controversy and discussion experiences should be provided. It needs to be seen and compared with East Asian and local perspectives.

This thesis aims to introduce the major achievements in the excavations conducted into the relics of the Goryeo period since 2000 and present the future research directions. As major urban development projects got into full swing around 2000, there were increased excavations of the relics and artifacts of the Goryeo period. Moreover, as local governments lay great store on the history and cultural properties in their regions, the public interest in the unearthed artifacts and relics is increasing. Under such circumstances, the Korean Mediaeval Archeology Basic Database Creation Project us in progress as supervised by Sookmyung Women’s University. Central Institute of Cultural Heritage created a compendium of the mediaeval archeological research achievements entitled, “Collected Materials for Korean Mediaeval Archeology” and the Academy of Korean Studies opened a web portal on the achievements of the Korean studies promotion projects. Moreover, the website for the Database for Korean Historical & Cultural Investigation, which specialized in informatizing the interred cultural properties and managing scholarly information on archaeology, was opened in 2016, and ‘Korean Middle Ages Archeological Society’ launched in the latter half of the same year. The relics of the Goryeo Period investigated so far vary as widely as defense-related relics, urban castles and relics, Buddhist relics, production relics, residential relics, and maritime relics. The defense relics include castle and beacon relics, and the urban castle and urban relics include the relics of the palace in Gaeseong and the relics of Gangdo, the relics of chiso(治所) or eupsa(邑司), and government office relics including the residential relics. The Buddhist relics are led by the temple relics, while the production relics include iron making relics, pottery kiln, and rooftile kiln. The tomb relics include the royal tomb relics, ordinary tomb relics etc. found on Ganghwa. And the maritime relics include ship-related relics unearthed on the west coast such as Taean and Ansan. Through the unearthing of these relics, the relics of the Goryeo Period which differ from the periods coming before or after, the diverse-ranging achievements from the excavations need to organized and typified. Considering this, the conclusion of the thesis presents the tasks and prospects for the archaeological study of the Goryeo Period.

This article was written with the intention of checking the academic achievements of the Goryeo period in commemoration of the 1100th year of Goryeo Kingdom. I introduced the results of research on the Goryeo period in Buddhist bibliography and organized the Buddhist texts written in the Goryeo period. There are many Buddhist texts in Korea’s ancient and medieval texts. This article introduces the Buddhist texts and research trends in the papers published in the bibliographical journal since 2002. First of all, I briefly explained the recent direction of research on Tripitaka Koreana(高麗大藏經) and Gyojang(敎藏). Next, I collected the Manuscripts and Printed Books stored in the Buddha Statue (腹藏典籍). Finally, I treated other Buddhist texts (rituals, etc.) that were not included in the Tripitaka Koreana and the Manuscripts and Printed Books stored in the Buddha Statue. In the future, I hope that those who study Goryeo period in various fields will be interested in the Buddhist texts such as the Manuscripts and Printed Books stored in the Buddha Statue.

Regarding the time point of the Koguryo dynasty’s capital transfer to the Guknae(國內) region, there have been three theories suggested so far: One of them suggested that the event took place during the reign of King Yuri-wang(琉璃王), and one of them suggested that the capital transfer took place during the reign of King Sansang-wang(山上王), one of them suggested that the capital transfer took place during the reign of King Taejo-wang(太祖王), The theory of capital transfer during the reign of King Yuri-wang(琉璃王) became difficult to recognize by the archaeological result in the Guknae(國內) region. The theory of capital transfer during the reign of King Sansang-wang(山上王) is difficult to accept on the articles of Capital was Guknae(國內) region in the King Sindae-wang(新大王) and King Gogukchun-wang(故國川王). The theory of capital transferduring the reign of King Taejo-wang(太祖王) is the most reasonable interpretation. However, we must explain why the capital transfer articles were recorded on the King Yuri-wang Bongi(琉璃王本紀) of『Samguk Sagi(三國史記)』 The early Koguryo king genealogy was divided into the royal genealogy of King Jumong-wang(朱蒙王) and the royal genealogy of the King Yuri-wang(琉璃王). The royal genealogy of the King Yuri-wang was the political power based on the Guknae(國內) region, and the royal genealogy of King Jumong-wang was a political power based on Jolbon(卒本) region. Later on, The political power of royal genealogy of the King Yuri-wan take the throne and incorporated founder King Yuri-wang as the son King Jumong-wang. In order to emphasize the legitimacy of Capital Transfer to the Guknae(國內) region, it was estimated that the article was distort capital transfer to the Guknae in the article of build up Winaam Castle(尉那巖城). After analyzing the documentary records, it is clear that the Guknae(國內) region was the capital after the King Sindae-wang(新大王), and the Whando-Castle(丸都城) which was built by King Sansang-wang(山上王), was the first castle in the Guknae region. Then, the time point of the capital transfer to the Guknae region, from the founding site Jolbon will be the King Taejo-wang, Chadae-wang(次大王), and Shindae-wang(新大王), who have many questions in the succession record of the throne. In order to understand the timing of replacing the royal family, we reviewed articles related to capital transfer and royal exchanges in the Koguryo-jun of『Samguk-gi(三國志)』

The purpose of this study was to investigate the internal structures and facts of villages in Silla based on the epigraphs and wooden tablets from the sixth century. For this purpose, the study first examined the village society during the Maripgan period depicted in the “Silla Tombstone in Jungseong-ri, Pohang” and found that the local heads maintained their character-based rule in the villages but were dependent on the six Bus of Silla politically and economically in their subjugation to Silla via tributes and service. In the “Wooden Tablets of Seongsan Mountain Fortress,” the examples of Bonpa, Ana, Malna, and Jeonna were terms to refer to the internal directions and scopes of areas(zones) in the villages and marks to show the division patterns of villages clearly. They were used for the state to understand changes to the village communities and govern them. Different amounts of taxes were imposed on villages and village people according to their economic status, and common people were allowed to pay joint taxes with the elderly. These findings indicate that Silla understood the current states of villages and their political and economic circumstances to collect taxes. The disputes depicted in “Silla Tombstone in Naengsu-ri, Pohang” show that Silla was in a transitional period as the state intervened in people’s disputes over wealth and caused the community nature under the leadership of local heads to break down the internalized village society while the community-based management principles still had a strong grip over the village people. The Jeokseongyeon in “Silla Tombstone in Jeokseong, Danyang” and the wooden tablets of Seongsan Mountain Fortress indicate that the government carried out basic census on village people and applied much advanced governance to individual residents in Silla in the middle sixth century.

This article aims to look into the change process of Hwarangdo(花郞徒) in the dying days of Silla. Hence, the anecdote of Hwarang Hyojong(孝宗郞) and his political advancement and the political situation in the end of Silla was examined. Additionally, the change process of Hwarangdo was also examined through the trend of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism and the change in selecting talent. As a result, it is found out that the story of poor woman supporting mother(貧女養母) in Samgukyusa(삼국유사) contains the buddhist idea of filial piety which includes the filial duty for living parents as well as praying for their parents’ gentle and easy death whereas the story of Faithful Daughter Jieun(孝女知恩) in Samguksagi(삼국사기) reflects the idea of Confucianism. The anecdote of Hwarang Hyojong implied the situation that the military system had been collapsing since the 3rd year of Queen Chin-song(眞聖王), through which it can be inferred that Silla had no enough military power in Nangdang(郎幢) as like the middle period of Silla. And King Sindeok, called King Park, who was a stepson of Kim Ye-gyeom(金乂謙), aristocrat of Jingol, could appear in the politic circle of Silla by taking his step father’s last name. On the other hand, the anecdote of Hwarang Hyojong was plotted in the trend of reviving the spirit of Hwarangdo in the beginning of Queen Chin-song. However, even though Hwarangdo was set up for selecting human resource, the role of had been existed in name only because of reinforcement of the Confucianism education and increasing importance of dispatching students to Tang. Furthermore, financial support could not be provided any more according to the fall of national economic base. Therefore, Hwarangdo got into the music of Confucianism, seclusion of Taoism and Zen. As a result of it, they could not overcome the crisis confronting Silla.

The period of King Gwangjong in early Goryeo, the Buddhist operating system was established. The Buddhist monastic examinations was held for the first time, and those who passed this examinations were given the dharma ranks, and the ranks were devided to Gyojong, doctrinal school, and Seonjong, meditation school. They could get the head position of temples and important roles in Buddhist order. Even they got economic properties afrer. King Gwangjong held preferential treatments to venerable monks and supported new trends of harmonious thought which combound Gyo and Seon. Tanmun lived very actively during this period. He was a most important monk of Hwaeom school. And he competed with Gyunyeo who wrote several important notes of Hwaeom thought. Tanmun and Gyunyeo compared in religious life and academic activity. They also had eccentric powers which joined to King. Tanmun showed eminent praying power in birth of prince, get rid of harmful insects and pray for crown prince. And he took the lead in Buddhist council which celebrating accession to the throne of King Hyejong and Jeongjong, and Buddhist council of Tripitaka held at palace. Tanmun was the first monk who became the Wangsa, teacher of the King and Guksa, teacher of the state in doctrinal school. When he became the Wangsa, Hyegeo of meitation school became the Guksa. This situation means that monastic examinations and the Buddhist operating system were operated with two branches of Gyojong and Seonjong. Gyunyeo also had a relationship with royal family to treat Queen’s disease and stop the continuous rain and lighting. And he wrote several important Hwaeom notes and established organization of Hwaeom thought and presented with the idea of the Hwaeom absoluteism. Tanmun showed the most important activity of doctrinal school, but it is hard to find the new trend of harmonization of Gyo and Seon even the general trends of early Goryeo Buddism was the harmonization of them. Tanmun lived hje most life at Guryongsansa temple near Gaegyeong and Bowonsa temple in Seosan of Chungcheong province. In the periods of King Hyejong and Jeongjong, Tanmun lived at Guryongsansa and connected with royal court. But in King Gwangjong’s period, he lived at Bowonsa which is far away from royal court. In Bowonsa, Tanmun made Buddhist statue and pagoda to pray for King Gwangjong. In late life he lived at Gwibeopsa as a Wangsa, and retired to Bowonsa and died. Bowonsa was one of most important temple of Hwaeom, and in Silla period there was a state vinaya system. Tanmun lectured in this Bowonsa, and he put forth great effort to manage the temple. In early King Gwangjong’s period, Tanmun made Buddhist statue and pagoda at this Bowonsa. So the eminent evidence of making objects of Buddhist service which connected to royal court is a meaningful event.

The purpose of this study is to examine why Bitikchi, which was originally a Yuan’s system, was introduced into Goryeo and how it changed. Due to the war against Mongolia, the military government of Goryeo was collapsed and the monarchy was restored. As the king 's authority fell down and the state administration was deteriorated during the military ruling, it was difficult for the king to take the initiative in the government even after the restoration of kingship. This weakening of kingship was not matched with the Yuan’s policy to rule Goryeo through the king. Yuan’s emperor Sejo tried to strengthen the political position of King Chungryeol by solving the problem King Chungryeol had asked while pushing him to take the leadership in the state administration. King Chungryeol introduced the Bitikchi which is known as the royal guard system(kesig, 怯薛) of Yuan’s emperor, and tried to recover his strong sovereignty. During the reign of King Chungryeol, the Bitikchi discussed the problems of each department with the king to make decision about them and proposed diverse policies for the national administration. In addition, the Bitikchi handled the secret tasks in the palace along with the Sinmunsaek in charge of the royal communications. As the Bitikchi and the Sinmunsaek worked together for royal tasks, the administrative discussion, decision and communication on the state could be treated rapidly and the king’s intention could also be well reflected to the state administration. Through this, King Chungryeol was able to acquire the administrative initiative in his country. The Bitikchi was abolished in the 1st year of King Chungseon but reestablished along with the inauguration of King Chungjeong. After the re-installation, the Bitikchi was used as a sub-office belonging to the royal bureaucrat such as Wangbu Bitikchi or Jeongbang Bitikchi. In other words, the Bitikchi was once the center for the royal administration during the reign of King Chungryeol but became a specific administrative post snice King Chungjeong. In particular, the re-established Bitikchi was often used as a sub-office of the Personnel Administrative Ministry, or the officer assigned to Bitikchi served the personnel works. As a result, the Bitikchi came to be recognized as an officer in charge of personnel management. Therefore, compiling the Goryeo history, the early Joseon historians recorded the Bitikchi as a bureaucrat in the administrative office.

People, in their despairing situations, embrace historical exemplary figures as models to overcome such difficulties. Sim No-sung, while forced to be exiled due to conflicts between political factions, embraced a model. Sim No-sung, while being exiled as an official of Gyeongsang-do, embraced the exiled life of Su Dong Po of Northern Song of China as his model to gain spiritual power. In his exile, Sim No-sung read Dong Po’s writings carefully in an attempt to appease his retaliatory feelings and to calm down his mind. Particularly, his favorite reading was the letter that Dong Po, in his exile, sent to Zhang Don. Sim No-sung positively embraced Su Dong Po’s so-called ‘Ililbaekseong(一日百省)’, meaning one-hundred-time self-reflection a day to practice self-reflection and discipline. He sincerely practiced the said motto. He thus named his diary as such 『Ililbaekseongjip (一日百省集)』 meaning a Collection of One-Hundred-Time Self Reflection A Day. He was thus be able to practice self reflection and discipline even by not citing his brother, his old mother, and his daughter in Paju. Sim No-sung, in his exile, imitated and internalized the attitude and spirit of Dong Po who practiced discipline and self reflection. To Sim No-sung, Dong Po was his model in his exile and further in his life.

This article discussed the organization, finance management, and major activities of the Joseon Buddhist Youth Union(朝鮮佛敎靑年總同盟), which was formed in 1931. The Joseon Buddhist Youth Group(朝鮮佛敎靑年會) planned to form an alliance when Do Jin-ho(都鎭鎬) returned from the Pan-Pacific Buddhist Youth Conference(汎太平洋佛敎靑年大會) in Hawaii in 1930. Young monks of Joseon wanted to form an alliance because they had the expectation that The Joseon Buddhist Youth Group could enter under the Pan-Pacific Federation of Young Buddhists󰡑Associations(汎太平洋佛敎靑年會聯盟) and become a member of the International Buddhist Youth Union. Joseon Buddhist Youth Union, which is joined by about 20 regional allies, established its headquarters in Gyeong-seong(京城) and organized a Central Executive Committee(中央執行委員會). The Central Executive Committee consisted of four departments, which were the supreme agency to deal with the results of conference by representatives of each regional alliances. The basic cost of maintaining the union was membership fees and subsidies given by the center organization of Joseon Buddhist order. However, it was difficult to obtain membership fees and subsidies. As a result, the activities of the Joseon Buddhist Youth Union have been reduced gradually since the mid 1930s. A young Buddhists took charge of an important role in setting up institutions for the unification of Joseon Buddhism before and after the 1930s. They were leading the campaign for the revision of the Temple Law(寺法) and the execution of the Constitution of the Buddhist Order(宗憲), which was not actively enforced by the chief buddhist monk of the head temples or by elder buddhist monk. Their efforts and practices contributed greatly to the establishment of the Jogye Order.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the activity for the formation of the ruling party in the first half of the second National Assembly. It is generally known that Rhee Syngman came into power without political party, and it was not until December 1951 that he founded the Liberal Party. By the way, that Liberal Party was externally-originated party(‘outside’ Liberal Party), which was formed with mass movement groups as a core. The forces within the National Assembly who participated in the movement for the formation of the new party created a Liberal Party separately(‘inside’ Liberal Party). The reason why the formation work of the ruling party divided into two parts was the fundamental difference in political system they aim at. Rhee and the ‘outside’ Liberal Party wanted to strengthen the presidential system, so they pushed ahead with a constitutional amendment for the direct election system. However, the goal of the forces within the National Assembly was the constitutional amendment for the parliamentary system. In other words, they tried to form a ruling party and take charge of government directly in the parliamentary system by cooperating with Rhee. It was the misrule of the Rhee government which led the ‘inside’ Liberal Party to draw up the constitutional amendment for the parliamentary system. The government’s inability and misrule revealed during the war were culminated by the National Defence Corps Scandal and the Geochang Massacre occurred in the spring of 1951, so they reviewed the constitutional amendment for the parliamentary system as a solution. To this end, the New Political Comrades Association(NPCA) and the Republican Club(RC) combined in May 1951 to form the Republican People’s Political Association(RPPA), which was the predecessor of the ‘inside’ Liberal Party. The NPCA was a pro-Rhee faction within the National Assembly, and the RC was politically neutral but they took the most critical stance on the misrule of the government. Despite the differences in political orientation, the two groups combined in order to hold the Democratic Nationalist Party(DNP) in check and to rule under the parliamentary system as the first force within the National Assembly. However, their plan to form a ruling party by integrating with the pro-Rhee faction outside the National Assembly began to fail because of the constitutional amendment issue. In particular, a bill for constitutional amendment submitted by Rhee in January 1952 was rejected by the National Assembly, and the pro-Rhee faction outside the National Assembly started the movement to recall National Assemblymen against the rejection. This was the direct cause of the separation of the ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ Liberal Parties. Moreover, pro-Rhee faction of the ‘inside’ Liberal Party formed a “Pro-amalgamation Liberals” to promote integration of the two Liberal Parties, and consequently the ‘inside’ Liberal Party was divided into the Pro-amalgamation Liberals and the “Remaining Liberals”. In the end, the latter joined with the DNP for the purpose of amending the constitution for parliamentary system while trying to replace Rhee through assembly election. However, their attempts failed because Rhee proclaimed martial law and caused political upheaval. Rhee eventually succeeded in amending the constitution for the direct election system and the ‘inside’ Liberal Party was dissolved and vanished. However, their conception of the constitutional amendment for the parliamentary system had continued since then and became the specific goal and base of the opposition movement in the late 1950s.

The March 1 Movement is divided into stages from the organized preparation stage until the Declaration of Independence on March 1, 1919 to the final stage of spreading nationwide. All the efforts toward the Declaration of Independence through various routes before the Paris Peace Conference finally bore fruit on March 1, 1919 thanks to the cooperation between Protestantism and Cheondogyo and the organized unity of students. The attempt at “petition for independence” by the solidarity offered some clues that make a leap to the “March 1 Movement.” In general, the March 1 Movement has been understood in the structure to have spread from the center to local areas and from the elite to common people, propagation from Seoul, and mobilization of village communities. From the initial organized preparation stage, however, religious leaders around the nation, including Seoul, Pyeongyang, Pyeongan Province, and Hwanghae Province, made their cooperative assistance synch with each other through their network. Thus, it is valid to see the Declaration of Independence ceremony and the distribution of the Declaration of Independence on March 1, 1919 from the perspective of cooperation between Seoul and local regions rather than Seoul and other local regions. The March 1 Movement was a national movement that transcended religion, social class, position, and occupation, and it shared the value of people and proclaimed independence. Many previous studies set the people, especially farmers whose percentage in the movement was the highest, as the objects of enlightenment and mobilization. The specific time points and methods of the independence movement were diverse, but the military police and the police did become violent and fired at unarmed demonstration crowds around the nation. In the process, the autonomous and collective participation of various groups of people created a huge tidal wave called the March 1 Movement. It is thus difficult to unify the plural subjects that made the movement possible into a single image of “people mobilized through the enlightenment of their representatives.” Despite various differences, the independence movements around the nation shared a common feature called united struggle based on the dynamic cooperation of different positions, social classes, religions, villages, and regions. Pluralistic networks and organizations and multi-layered solidarity created the history in which heterogeneous and diverse practices converged into independence movements to further the “March 1 Movement”.

A students’ competition on history is a great opportunity for students to engage in historical inquiry activities freely and creatively without having to worry about school records, and to have access to various inquiry activities. This paper is about the ‘Competition on Knowing our History rightly’ hosted by the National Institute of Korean History that is a representative example of the national unit competition on history. This competition is an opportunity to conduct inquiries such as literature research, field trips, interviews, reports, video production, which are difficult to be experienced in general school history classes and to test students' own knowledge of history. However, the result is of the analyzing the themes and contents of the award-winning works that students were not able to take a fresh approach to the subject with critical thinking, or to search for new material with questions about existing knowledge and materials. Students often just read and summarize the collected data. In order to overcome these limitations, the theme of the competition needs to be presented as contemporary and controversial, which is closely related to students. In addition, the role of the instructor is very important, so a variety of support measures should be provided so that participation in this competition will be an opportunity for growth for both students and teachers.

.