KJC Korea
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Identifying local administrative systems of Goguryeo can reveal its status as a centralized territorial state. As mentioned above, there is not sufficient evidence to support the presence of Prefecture-Town or Province-Prefecture systems to govern the local areas during the Goguryeo period. Although it has been plausibly suggested, it is still questionable whether it can be proven. Because all literature data have their own limitations and their interpretative perspectives vary. Nearly all available historical documents were written from perspectives of Tang or Silla people rather than Goguryeo’s own perspective nor contemporaneous with Goguryeo. The fact that there are not any known cases of Province or Prefecture, or Town recognized in the peculiar local names in Gogyreo period makes us skeptical of Province-Prefecture-Town system as Goguryeo’s local administrative system. Given the nomadic and military oriented characteristics of Goguryeo culture, it is unlikely that Chinese styled Prefecture-Town or Province-Town systems may have not been employed by Goguryeo. A sole uniformed administrative system applied to entire Goguryeo, however, would not match with its dynamic and flexible governing style in this country with multi-ethnic groups. Whether both central and local areas could have been completely controlled by such an ancient state like Goguryeo, is questionable. Goguryeo employed a castle centered local administrative system. It appears that roles of castle as a local administrative center and a military post had led to construct several hundred castles in Liaodong and northern Korean peninsula that was once a part of Goguryeo. In particular, scholarly attention should be paid to understanding its role as a militant post as well as an autonomous local center during the war with Sui and Tang dynasties in the end of Goguryeo era.

Judgment and pardon related to a punishment(刑獄) in Buyeo and Goguryeo was ruled at a place where a heavenly rite and a state convention were held. The punishment at this point was about the issue of national importance, and was decided by a conference(評議), mainly by the noble council. These cases were resolutions and pardons of special issues, whereas judgments and execution of sentence on ordinary crimes were done by those who are courageous and sound, or an aged man of great knowledge, that is, someone who were given public authority as a head(長) of the community. In general, the decision seems to be based on folkways and customs that community shared. As state grew and developed into an ancient state, public power was given to officials(官) and head(長) of the area appointed by the king, and the granting of public power based on the universal standard led to execution of the sentence with legal force and enforcement of decision. Dispute or enforcement of the punishment of Silla can be confirmed in the Silla Stele of Naengsuri in Yeongil and the Silla Stele of Bongpyeongri in Uljin. Gyo given mainly by the King, “Jeonsa-in(典事人)” and “Sadae-in(事大人)” which are the executive groups, include the Nama-class practitioner and the local authority ○○Dosa(道使). They are presumed that the persons who corresponded to the “department in charge for regional and national affairs(內外有司)” who ordered the examination of prisoners(錄囚) during the King Soji’s reign. Practitioners in charge of disputes, punishment, and pardon were gradually converted to the tasks of the organizations or officials exclusively responsible for those charges. This organization was Ibangbu established in the 5th year of Queen Jindeok. Ibangbu was a government office involved in penal administration with Sajeongbu. It is presumed that Sajeongbu took charge of inspections of officials, and Ibangbu took charge of general penal administration. This corresponds to Tang’s Hyeongbu, Daerisi, Eosadae(Sukjeongdae). Ibangbu of Silla is comparable to Hyeongbu, Dogwan under the jurisdiction of Hyeongbu, and Jeonokseo(Daerisi) of Goryeo. Hyeongbu of Goryeo focused on law, private lawsuits(詞訟), criminal lawsuits(詳讞), and matters of managing slave, and Jeonokseo was in charge of prison-affair(獄囚). Based on this, it can be understood that Yibangbu of Silla also took charge of general criminal lawsuits(獄訟). It widely administered lawsuits, trials, enforced punishment caused by these, and managed prison, confiscated slaves, properties, and pardon.

《Tongdian(通典)》written by Duyou(杜佑) is a book describing decrees and regulations of Tang dynasty. The book tells Tang(唐)’s neighboring countries in the〈Part of frontier defence(邊防門)〉. Goguryeo(高句麗), Baekje(百濟), and Silla(新羅), the major ancient nations in Korean history are also found in the Chapter of Dong-yi(東夷目). Especially Baekje destroyed by Tang was existed not that far from Duyou’s time. In this context, the purpose of this paper is to examine Tang’s view of Baekje which coexisted at the time. In this study, records similarity evaluation is conducted along with contents analysis of Section of Baekje(百濟節). Besides, original text are identified by examining each record. As identifying different tendency in similarity, the study examines why it is. Also, after analyzing the Section, it is found that it mainly refers to《Songshu(宋書)》,《Weishu(魏書)》, 《Zhoushu(周書)》,《Nanshu(南史)》,《Beishu(北史)》, and《Suishu(隋書)》. It seems that《Tongdian》refers to large parts of historical books in North Dynasties(北朝) whereas it reflects small parts of historical books in South Dynasties(南朝). Duyou wrote the Section of Baekje as he reinterpreted the original texts or contained the records that he had found. For example, the reason why he regarded Buyeo king(夫餘王) Wiguetae(尉仇台) as progenitor of Baekje is a result of his reinterpretation. Also, he probably attained a story about yellow lacquer(黃漆) gathering from the records of Ungjin Commandery(熊津都督府) existed during Tang dynasty. Two characteristics are found in the Section of Baekje. Firstly, it contains a relation between Baekje and Buyeo. Duyou considered King of Buyeo as Baekje’ founder. Besides, he understood Baekje kings’ family name as “Buyeo(夫餘)”. Secondly, he described the change of Baekje’s region. In other words, he stated location movement of Baekje from Laoxi(遼西) and Jinping(晋平) Commanderies, old land of Mahan(馬韓故地), land of Namhan(南韓地), to old castle Geon’an(建安故城). These refined ideas were based on the texts written in Tang dynasty and are significant in that they clearly show Tang’s perception of Baekje.

The need for unification education is increasing but the existing unification education is limited because it focuses on security and the agreement between South and North Korea. In order to explore the direction of unification education in the common historical experience between South and North, we have paid attention to the Unification of Three kingdoms and North South States Period in this paper. Controversies between the Unification of Three Kingdoms and North South States Period theories were started earlier and have been continued, however there has been no change in the textbooks from the 5th curriculum (1987) to the present to describe the meaning and limitations of the Three Kingdoms’ Unification. The name of the North South States Period also appeared for the first time in the 7th curriculum(1997) textbook. This is because North Korea first referred to the term North South States and referred to this period as Balhae and later Shilla. Of course, North Korea does not concede the Unification of Three Kingdoms. The shadow of the division of the South and the North appears in the view of the Unification of Three Kingdoms and North South States Period too. Therefore, the narration of the current textbook is not suitable for unification education. We should pay attention to the historical fact that after the Unification of the Three Kingdoms by Shilla, there was no war for more than 200 years when Shilla and Balhae coexisted. The fierce war among the three kingdoms in the 7th century ended with the Unification of Three Kingdoms. During the 200 years without war, while Shilla could overcome a lot of disasters and enjoy prosperity, Balhae could also grow into a thriving country in the east of China. As such, the Unification of Three Kingdoms and North South States Period have implications for inter-Korean relations today in terms of ‘war and peace’. Therefore, the meaning of peace can be awakened by describing the changes in the phases of lives and social aspects before and after the war in the North South States, turning off the narration centered on wars. Unification education should start with peace education.

ChilDaeSilRok(七代實錄) is the records about from King Taejo of Goryeo untill King Mokjong of the 7th Kings. It were destroyed by the invasion of Kitan(契丹) in 1st year of Hyun Jong. Hyunjong began to compile ChilDaeSilRok again in the fourth year of King Hyunjong’s reign. However, the work of compiling ChilDaeSilRok was not carried out perfectly. Therefore, it was not called ChilDaeSilRok but rather ChilDaeSaJuk(七代事跡). Hwang Joo-ryang led the compilation of the book. Therefore, it is said that in Goryeosa(高麗史), ChilDaeSaJuk were compiled by Hwang Joo-ryang. Later on, during the reign of King Deokjong, he began to supplement ChilDaeSaJuk. First of all, He decided to revise and add the original record of the Taejo, TaejoSilrok(太祖實錄). At first, Wanggado was in charge. However, he resigned from office in July of the second year of King Deokjong’s reign. Then Hwang Joo-ryang led the compilation of the book. In the third year of King Deokjong’s reign, the compilation of the annals of King Taejo was completed. The priority was to compile TaejoSilrok(太祖實錄) because it did not have much personal content about the seven kings. It was also due to the deep interest of Hyun-jong and Deok-jong. Because Taejo Wang Geon was the grandfather of Hyeonjong and the great-grandfather of Deokjong. In summary, The annals of the King Taejo, “TaejoSilrok(太祖實錄)”, was compiled from the first year of King Deokjong until July of the third year of King Deokjong. Therefore, it was different from ChilDaeSaJuk(七代事跡) that they published during Hyun-jong. As it was also reflected in the compilation of “ Goryeo history”, The records of King Taejo was relatively much more. In comparison, the record for Hyejong to Mokjong has become extremely little.

In the premodern society, all the living necessities such as wood and other forest products for heating, cooking, and building materials were obtained from forests. The country was interested in the use of these forest resources. In the Goryeo period, a forest policy based on the idea of Feng Shui and the Confucian nature was carried out. This was a protection aspect for the utilization of forest resources, but it was ideal rather than legal aspect. Goryeo’s forest policy continued in a similar way, following the implementation of the Monthly Ordinance(月令) by Confucian political ideology of King Sungjong(成宗) and the ban on the protection of King Hyeonjong(顯宗). Since the 12th century, the scarcity of forest resources has been increasing due to the expansion of agricultural lands, and measures have been taken to plant trees and ban forests. However, since the military regime(武臣政權), forest degradation and monopolization of forest use have increased. The reason for this is that military rulers(武臣執政) has begun to increase the amount of construction projects and the forest usage has increased rapidly before and after the war with Mongolia and the relocation of the capital. Under the Mongolian rule, a large amount of forest resources were used for the two times conquests of Japan, and the plundering of wood by Mongolia was severe. The monopoly of forests became more serious in the late Goryeo period. The monopoly was prohibited and punished, but it was not a fundamental measure. In this situation, Jeonsigwa(田柴科) which supplied siji(柴地), collapsed and the supply of forest resources through the receipt of Gongbu(貢賦; tribute and taxation) and So(所) was not smooth. In the end, Goryeo’s forest policy did not prevent the monopoly of forests, and this situation forced a new dynasty to be established and resolved.

In Joseon, jinsang(進上) was divided into mulseonjinsang(物膳進上), bangmuljinsang(方物進上), jehyangjinsang(祭享進上), depending on the type of offered goods, and a similar system is found in Goryeo too. Mulseon and bangmul are frequently mentioned in Goryeo documents related to jinsang. The former is an offering of food for king, and both regular sangseon(常膳) and irregular byeolseon(別膳) were offered. The latter is an offering of regional specialties for the king, and they are further divided into myeongiljinsang(名日進上) and gangmujinsang(講武進上). Many documents from Goryeo show that myeongiljinsang was practiced all the time. In Goryeo, the essential meaning of jinsang—a ritual of presenting an offering to the king—was fully embraced. In China, jinsang served as a symbolic ritual of confirming the emperor’s territorial control, and the same applied to Goryeo. In Goryeo, only the procedure of sending regional specialties was defined in royal rituals, true to that offering of jinsang is essentially a symbolic ritual that shows people how far the king’s authority reaches. In Goryeo, only a small number of goods were offered as jinsang, also true to its fundamental ritualistic nature, without practical use. However, in China, the symbolic meaning of jinsang was changed to private gifts by the time of Tang Dynasty, and this was followed in Goryeo as well. Saseon(私膳), a personal offering to win the king’s affection, became hugely popular during the late Goryeo period. This did not solely stem from officials’ desire. In fact, kings encouraged such offerings, driven by dwindling royal coffers. As the practice of jinsang grew with popularity of saseon, gift economy expanded. In a pre-modern society, exchanges of various gifts among government officials are closely related to bongyeo(封餘), which is to share remaining offerings among officials, and this practice thrived from Goryeo to Joseon. The customs of taking bongyeo was established due to the ruling class’ sense of entitlement. They felt that they were equally qualified as king to receive offerings from the people, and accordingly, liberally shared bongyeo amongst them without any qualm.

The reform of the land system in late Goryeo and the enactment of the Gwajeonbeop[科田法] are evaluated as the most important occasion of the founding of Joseon. Nevertheless, it was understood that the newly enacted Gwajeonbeop was not distinguished from the Jeonsigwa[田柴科] in that it was a based on the right of collecting land-tax. In the Jeonsigwa based on the combination of the land system and the labor system, it was the most important goal of system operation that the Jikyeok[職役] linked with the land was succeeded normally. Therefore, the Koryo society devoted itself to preparing diverse institutional devices for the succession of the land. On the other hand, in the Gwajeonbeop the social role of the right of collecting land-tax was reduced to the preferential treatment for the officials. In the Gwajeonbeop, the size of the payment of the Susinjeon[守信田] and Hyulyangjeon[恤養田] increased and the terms of payment became more common. Nevertheless, these measures have never been made to favor the officials. Gubunjeon[口分田] was not paid to the individual for the purpose of compassion but to the remaing family members which was no longer able to carry out the Jikyeok. On the contrary, the Susinjeon and the Hyulyangjeon was a measure to guarantee the succession of the paternal family of the dead officer simply regardless of the Jikyeok. The reason for the generalization of the conditions of payment the Susinjeon and the Hyulyangjeon in the Gwajeonbeop is that it reflects the fact that in the early years of the Joseon the social role of the right of collection land tax was greatly reduced compared to the Goryo.

Since ancient times, the country had consistently encouraged the “male farming, ploughing, and female weaving” and this model of production activity had been embedded in the nation’s tax system for a long time. Since textile production was the work of women, the women of the Joseon Dynasty had to learn the weaving from an early age, and it was regarded as a virtue for women to be good at weaving. Weaving was recommended as a virtue for women during the Joseon Dynasty, but the recommended types of weaving were different depending on their social status. There were four types of fabrics produced by women’s weaving: hemp, ramie, cotton and silk. The production process of textiles was very hard labor, and especially in the spinning process, the intensity of labor was different for each fabric. Silk yarn was lengthy products, so the spinning process was relatively easy and not time-consuming. Also in the case of cotton yarn, the spinning process was not too difficult, because the connection work to make the lengthy yarn was done by using a spinning wheel. On the other hand, for the bast fiber, hemp and ramie, women’s teeth, nails, and knees were used as a working tool for the spinning process. Thus, the hemp and ramie spinning process required the physical exposure of women and frequently involved their physical damage. Through the Joseon Dynasty, the hemp and ramie spinning, which caused women’s physical injuries, were not the recommended work for the noble women. The spinning, which was mostly participated by the noble women during the Joseon Dynasty, was mostly silk and cotton work. For the work of hemp and ramie spinning, which was very difficult and time-consuming, women used to utilize Gilssam Dure, a group laborer. In the Gilssam Dure, there were cotton dure, ramie dure, and hemp dure, but the sericulture was not included, instead it was carried out separately at each farmhouse. Although the weaving work was a very hard labor involving the injuries of women’s bodies, women actively explored their lives by taking it as their job. In the late Joseon Dynasty, several women who grew into an asset were also seen through the weaving. Through the Joseon Dynasty, we can see the strength of Korean women with a firm will, who tried to pioneer their hard life through the weaving.

Gwon Sang-ha was one of Song Si-yeol’s authentic pupils that shared the same political and academic tracks as him that was the master of the Seoin-Noron line in the latter part of Joseon. In case of Gwon that did not hold a government job, his political status and activities were represented by his activities of worshiping Song including the foundation of a Seowon that held a sacrificial rite for his master, Song, in the society of the times. This study thus reviewed Seowons that held a sacrificial rite for Song around the country and then Gwon’s roles in the foundation and management processes of a Seowon, thus checking the aspects of his political activities. Chapter I first examined the current state of 52 Seowons that held a sacrificial rite for Song around the nation and found that Song had overwhelmingly the most Seowons that held a sacrificial rite for him among all the figures that had a Seowon to hold such a rite for them. It was also found that the days of establishing such a Seowon and holding a worship service for Song were concentrated(63%) on the living years of Gwon and that such Seowons for Song were concentrated on Chungcheong Province(40%) where Gwon usually stayed. The concentration of such Seowons for Song in terms of time and location shows that Gwon, one of Song’s pupils, made active efforts to hold a sacrificial rite and worship service for Song. Chapter II arranged Gwon’s intervention in the construction of Song’s Seowons, worship service for him, and management of his Seowons based on the records of Hansujaejip, the collection of Gwon’s works. The results show that there were the most articles reporting his active participation in a worship service for Song. Gwon was active to push forward worship services for Song probably because it was a way of generating such effects as the foundation of a Seowon more easily and avoiding the ban on Cheopseol. Articles about Gown’s involvement in the foundation of a Seowon for Song came next in terms of the number. Gwon especially built a Seowon to hold a sacrificial rite for Song in areas that exhibited a strong tendency for the Namin line or displayed no particular partisan colors, thus helping the force of Noron take root in a new way. In addition, Gwon would take the lead in moving or reconstructing a Seowon, change the order of seats at a Seowon, set important rules and regulations in the management of a Seowon himself. As one of Song’s authentic pupils in the Seoin-Noron line, Gwon’s intended political and social meanings were clear in the process of establishing and managing a Seowon to hold a sacrificial rite for Song. A sacrificial rite for Song was jointly held with one for Zhu Xi in the most cases, which indicates that Gwon made an attempt at establishing Dotong from Zhu Xi to Song by constructing such a Seowon or holding a worship service for Song. In addition, the force of Noron would grow even stronger in areas where such a Seowon was built for Song or a worship service for him was added to the service list of a Seowon. These findings show that Seowons, whose original functions were to provide education for local residents and edify the community in the country, changed in their nature and became a means of Noron taking root in the community. The findings also indicate that a Seowon to hold a sacrificial rite and worship service for Song would also serve as a method of the Noron line securing another local base in addition to the Sinwon of Song.

8-folding screen ‘Paldomiindo’, a collection of OCI Museum, is a representative piece which shows tradition and transformation of Korean Beauty Paintings of Late Joseon Dynasty. Even though the piece does not fully apply traditional aspect and rather shows stylization and schematization (which makes the piece to be weaker in pictoriality), its content and compositional aspect of ‘Standing painting of single Gisaeng with non-background’ continues a long pedigree of Late Joseon Dynasty’s beauty paintings. Furthermore, ‘Paldomiindo’ shares a similarity with Chinese and Japanese beauty paintings by setting a series of paintings on a folding screen. Unlike other late Joseon dynasty’s beauty painting. This piece contains such uniqueness and significance that must be examined further. Thus, this study will explore tradition and style changes of Korean beauty paintings in late Joseon dynasty along with features of ‘Paldomiindo’. This study’s objective is to reintroduce late Joseon dynasty’s beauty paintings and highlight its significances within Korean/Eastern Asian art history. There are 7 works of beauty paintings with ‘standing painting of single woman with non-background’, and ‘Paldomiindo’ has similar aspects to these paintings with such features like materials and styles. The similarities can be listed：‘standing, single, no background drawings’, face was slightly sided(seven-tenth, eight-tenth side), an overall posture and a hand expression, outline of woman’s face and dress, and hair styles. Features mentioned above certainly shows connections between the paintings. However, ‘Paldomiindo’ differentiates itself from the others by setting a series of paintings into one piece. Cases of collecting beauty paintings into a book and folding screeen can be found in Eastern Asia at the same period of time. In China, numbers of beauty paintings with a format of multiple pictures into one set were increased in late Ming dynasty era. In early Qing dynasty, numerous royal beauty paintings were placed on books and foldings screens with a format of 12 pictures into one set. In Japan, beauty paintings with the arrangement of multiple paintings became prevalent in Edo period(1603-1868). As these paintings were imported to Joseon, they have inspired viewers, and became models to new pieces. Meanwhile, late Joseon dynasty, the time “Paldomiindo” was made, was a time of luxurious trends and extravagant hobbies prevailing throughout society. Interests and social demands to paintings and calligraphic works grew larger in this period of time, and folding screens with paintings of various subjects became popular commodity as a result. Therefore, ‘Paldomiindo’ is created under the influences of social demands that came along with development of luxurious goods (caused by cumulated wealth of late Joseon dynasty) and trends of various subjects of paintings on folding screens. Sin Yunbok’s ‘Miindo’ began tradition of Joseon’ beauty painting, and ‘Paldomiindo’ carries the tradition to late Joseon dynasty while following prevailing styles of Eastern Asia.

This study is intended to review the relation between the righteous army movement and the society through ‘Yangmin’ discourse of media during the Korean Empire Period. Basically, the tones of 『the Korea Daily News』, which was friendly towards the righteous army, and 『the Hwangseong Sinmun』, which was critical to the righteous army, were similar in the development process of ‘Yangmin’ discourse, but there were obvious differences. The ‘Yangmin’ discourse of 『the Korea Daily News』 was in the method of displaying local residents persecuted by and Japanese military and the police, and pro-Japanese groups. However, it also had tones of criticizing both the righteous army and the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and sympathizing the position of local residents. The aspect of ‘Yangmin’ set by 『the Hwangseong Sinmun』 was the subject persecuted by all the righteous army, the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and pro-Japanese groups. This coverage tendency had to be the criticism towards both sides. However, the influence of the criticism towards both sides was concentrated on the Righteous Army. In the situation that the Japanese Resident-General of Korea dominated the administration power and media control, the criticism on the military and police and the government was difficult to be influential, but the legitimacy of the Righteous Army was maintained under the slogan of ‘patriotism’ based on ‘justice’. This ‘Yangmin’ discourse of the criticism towards both sides partly contributed to the negative public opinions on the righteous army.

There were differences in the perception of the state that Kojong and Ilchinhoe had. They thought that the intellectuals of the present day should be different from those of the traditional countries, as they usually do. The difference in perception of the ‘modernity’ of the country was reflected by how the ‘difference’ was defined. How much to preserve the tradition, how far people will be allowed to participate in politics, how far Japan will accept the interference, and so on. These problems were especially concentrated on the recognition of ‘sovereign rights’. Gojong tried to enter the reform project with strengthening the sovereignty based on the traditional study abroad, and the Ilchinhoe tried to tie the sovereignty to the symbolic place for the people’s political participation. The Japanese side, too, regarded Kojong as the center of the anti-Japanese movement and sought to pressure it by using the popular organization called the Ilchinhoe. In other words, the conflicts and confrontations between the domestic political forces were refracted by the emergence of external forces such as Japanese imperialism, and as a result of the colonization, Kojongdo Ilchinhoe lost power. Kojong was consistent with repressive action in the progressive society. Kojong’s suppression of the Jinbohoe is partly connected with the intention of suppressing the Donghak peasant movement by attracting foreign soldiers. On the other hand, reluctantly allowing for unilateral activities, it is in common with the temporary observation of the Independence movement. On the other hand, the rumor that he tried to deal with Japan for repression of Ilchinhoe, and the assumption that he was a consistent pro-emperor of anti-Japanese sentiment and anti-Ilchinhoe, Can be. The fact that the strengthening of the sovereignty was the highest priority was similar to the previous one, but it was different from the previous one in that it actively used the diplomatic route and the public opinion. Although more obvious linkages are needed, it seems that the way of strengthening the power of Gojong has evolved. Because there were many Japanese people with anti-Japanese sentiments as well as domestic forces, Kojong’s anti-Japanese countermeasures were successful in a sense. However, it was not an alternative to overcome the national crisis fundamentally in that it did not acknowledge the dynamics of the people at all.

In this study, two categories were used to analyze the violence found in the demonstrations of the March First Movement. ‘Light violence’ was used to refer to instances of ‘collective protest’ and ‘assault’ while ‘destruction,’ ‘murder’ and ‘arson’ were placed under ‘heavy violence.’ ‘Light violence’ was characterized by the use of physical force and ‘heavy violence’ by the mobilization of tools. Out of a total of 1,552 cases of demonstration throughout the movement, there were 509 involving violence, at approximately 37%. 132 cases were shown to have led to ‘heavy violence’ at about 26%. March 18th and April 4th provided an important turning point in terms of violence in the March First Movement. The highest levels of violence were shown in the demonstrations between April 1st and 4th. During this period, 15% of the demonstrations in Gyeonggi and North Chungcheong Provinces involved heavy violence. South Pyeongan Province came close at 11%, followed by Gangwon, South Gyeongsang and South Chungcheong Provinces. According to the March First Movement database of the National Institute of Korean History, there are 234 known cases of gunfire against the protesters during the March First Movement. The shootings began on March 1st and continued through April 22nd. The first stage between March 1st and March 26th had 62 shootings, which is 26% of the total number of gunshots fired throughout the movement. The extreme suppression method of gunfire was enforced without delay starting on the first day of demonstrations. The gunfire was concentrated in the second stage between March 27th and April 9th, with 162 shootings, which is 70% of the total number of shots fired during the movement. The third stage beginning on April 10th showed a distinct decrease in shootings at 4%. In the four provinces of South Pyeongan, South Hamgyeong, North Hamgyeong and North Gyeongsang, the shootings were concentrated in the first stage of the movement. The rest of the provinces saw most of the shootings in the second stage of the movement. Lastly, the correlation between the violence of the demonstration and that of the suppression was looked at. First, a high correlation was not found between heavy violence and gunfire overall. Second, the number of shootings began to rise around March 27th when instances of heavy violence in demonstrations started to grow. Third, even though there was a sharp decrease in heavy violence after April 4th, the number of shootings actually increased, going against the previous tendency. But when the total number of violent demonstrations, both with light violence and heavy violence, is taken into account, a different picture presents itself. The total number of shootings at 234 and that of all violent protests at 198 seem to indicate a close correlation. However, the sharp rise in shootings after April 4th reflects a forceful crackdown on the demonstrations regardless of the violence by the protesters. The shootings after April 4th were the result of the ‘politics of terror’ led by the military and the police to crush the March First Movement.

The Community Relations Program which had been managed by the U.S. Forces was intended to be utilized for operating the U.S. military bases in foreign countries. It means that the U.S. Forces in Korea and the local community relations were not be built accidentally but be constructed intentionally by the Cold War policy of the U.S. This article examines the way to provide the information of the local community to the soldiers and encourage them to participate in community which were included in the Community Relations Program. These could be found in the newspapers which were published by each unit bases of U.S. Forces in Korea. These newspapers provided the local information around the bases to soldiers and let them recognize their duty in that community as the U.S. nationals. In addition, the unit newspapers were expected to contribute to build friendly relationship with the local people by recommending the soldiers to join the local community. Letting the soldiers participate in the local community was regarded as the way to comfort the soldiers who couldn’t be adjusted to life in Korea as well. However, the information which was provided to the soldiers had contained prejudice on Korean society, even it made the indifference of the soldiers on local community worse. Also, these newspapers ignored the conflict between GIs and local people and made the crack on the mutual recognition. Finally, the Community Relations Program, which had been planned for the stable maintenance of the U.S. military bases in Korea, exposed its limitation to build amicable relationship based on sufficient mutual understanding under the neglecting of the Korean Government.