KJC Korea
Journal Central

This study focused on understanding the formation and existence of Sonobu(消奴部) and Gyerubu(桂婁部) in the early Jolbon(卒本) capital as a research topic to study the problem of the royal replacement. Through a review of articles on the royal replacement of Goguryeo in the Koguryo-jun of『Samguk-gi(三國志)』, it was able to find out the the time point of the royal replacement and the location of Sonobu(消奴部) in Jolbon. It was assumed that Sonobu's political base is in the Hongang River(渾江) region, and the political base of Iimo(伊夷模) in the the Guknae(國內) region is Gyerubu(桂婁部). Based on the research results of archaeological studies on the distribution of the ancient tombs of the early Goguryeo Kingdom along the Hongang River(渾江) region, the Hwanin(桓仁) region proved to be the power base of Sonobu(消奴部). A combination of Buyeo(夫餘) people who created Mangkangru(望江樓) Ancient Tombs and the indigenous forces who created Sanggosungja(上古城子) Ancient Tombs formed a political center in the lower reaches of the Yukdo(六道河) River and the Hagosungja(下古城子) Fortress Wall. Afterwards, GoryoMoeja(高力墓子) Ancient Tombs region was transformed into a political center. I reviewed an article about theBuyeo(夫餘) immigrant People who be the main force that forms Gyerubu(桂婁部) on Koguryo-Bongi(高句麗本紀) of『Samguk Sagi(三國史記)』. reviewed an article about the The articles on the royal tombs and the royal palaces in Jolbon(卒本) capital period. As a result Gyerubu(桂婁部) would not have been formed in Jolbon(卒本) Region.

This article is to review whether the record of East Buyeo in Samguksagi Koguryobongi has been changed later. In the early days of Koguryo, there was a historical entity that can be called East Buyeo. It is natural to understand records of Buyeo in Koguryobongi as a relationship with East Buyeo. Since its early days, Koguryo had a close relationship with East Buyeo and achieved political growth. This attitude of Koguryo provided the circumstance in which North Buyeo showed hostility toward Koguryo, and led to a conflict between the two countries. On the other hand, even if the existence of East Buyeo and the relationship between Koguryo and East Buyeo are confirmed as fact, it is questionable to believe the Koguryo's founding myth also as a historical fact. The Koguryo's founding myth went through the stages of change until it had a present structure. The early Gyerubu royal family justified the founding of the kingdom and emphasized the sanctity of the kingship asserting that they had succeeded Dongmyeong of Buyeo. Then, the genealogy of the founding father changed to connect Heaven and Habaek. The change is a result of the Koguryo royal family’s acceptance of the founding myth of East Buyeo, who had been closely related to East Buyeo. Until the Koguryo royal family gave Jumong a sacred status of Dongmyeong and they completed the founding myth with the structure of Dongmyeong myth, for some time, there was a perception that Jumong was the son of heaven and the grandson of Habaek and inherited Dongmyeong.

While the first generation of Koguryo refugees had clearly defined their identities as Koguryo in epitaphs, next generations changed their origins, identities, and surnames. Koguryo’s descendants changed their surnames into common chinese surnames. They claimed that their ancients had been from China and they had come back to Tang from Koguryo in the aftermath of Chinese chaotic state. By modifying their pedigree, Koguryo’s descendants tried to erase their identities and become a Chinese. The author suggests this phenomenon resulted from Tang’s migration policy rather than the identity crisis of Koguryo refugees. Since the first generation of Koguryo refugees were privileged the exemption from taxation for 10 years, they did not need to erase their Koguryo identity. In addition, it was common to change their surname to the renowned clan’s one even for the Chinese as well as other ethnic groups. There was no sanction or penalty to fabricate their origin and identity. Koguryo’s descendants pretended to be a Chinese due to practical reasons reflecting the society of Tang Dynasty.

The purpose of this study is to examine the political and legal implications of ‘Criminal Contempt of King’ [Pŏmsangbudojoe] in the late Chosŏn Dynasty, focusing on the treason case of I Ŭiyŏn and the regulations of Sok Taejŏn (Supplementary Grand Code), promulgated in 1746. ‘Criminal Contempt of King’ refers to a crime, in which certain words or remarks disrepect and slander the king or the court. Although outrageous behaviors and languages had been strictly restricted since the earliest days of the Chosŏn Dynasty, the importance of relevant regulations became prominent during the later period of the dynasty. At the State Tribunal, where capital crimes such as treason, rebellion, and lèse-majesté were investigated and judged, problematic words of slandering or disrespectful acts against the king were one of the significant reasons of prosecution. In contrast to outright rebellion and coups, what political implications did disrespecting and slandering the kings have? Starting from this question, this paper analyzes treason cases of “Criminal Contempt of King” recorded in the Interrogation Records. Also, it examines the legal foundations of its criminal offenses which were first stipulated in Sok Taejŏn.

After the liberation, land problems had to be resolved in order to clear colonial remnants and establish modern nations. The main challenge on the land was arable, but the forest problem that was part of the land was serious. The ownership structure and forest policy of Japan made polarization of the ownership structure, and the random deforestation during the war regime led to severe deforestation. This situation continued after liberation. The common people carried out the secret felling for a living to secure fuel and fertilizers, and forest owners, lumbermakers and merchants collaborated with the government offices to accumulate wealth and harvested trees on a large scale. Under these circumstances, debate on forest reform emerged. Full-scale discussion took place at the Constitutional Assembly, which can be divided into forest nationalization, farmer distribution, and afforestation. The forest nationalization plan was to restore the devastation by eliminating the harmful effects of forest monopoly. The farmers' distribution plan was to distribute the forest as farmland so that farmers could record the forest with ownership. The afforestation plan argued for greening as a solution to the devastation while maintaining the current private system. The positions surrounding forest reform were discussed at the Constitutional Assembly, but as a result, forest reform through the reorganization of ownership structure was frustrated. Afterwards, the direction of forest policy has been based on greening, and as a result, the Forest Protection Temporary Measures Act was created in 1951 as the first legislative proposal.