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Nishimoto Masahiro(西本昌弘)’s hypothesis that Poong-jang(豊璋) and Gyo-gi(翹岐) are same person has been widely accepted in Japanese academia, and some Korean scholars accepted it. To confirm its validity, several issues were reviewed. As a result, it can only be established if all arguments are valid；⑴AD631’s article on Poong-jang’s arrival to Wa had a date error ⑵Gyeong-bok(敬福)’s death article followed the error on Poong-jang’s visit date ⑶Poong-jang and Gyo-gi were King Uija(義慈王)’s son ⑷Seon-gwang(禪廣) = Buyeo Yong(扶餘勇) = Sae-sang(塞上) ⑸Poong-jang = Gyu-hae(糺解) = Gyo-gi ⑹Gyo-gi’s arrival to Wa was AD643 ⑺A news of political change in Baekje(百濟) was false, so Gyo-gi was a leader of formal envoy. However, criticism of each is persuasive, above issues are closely connected to each other, and if one collapses, it may collapse in a chain reaction. So the hypothesis is difficult to establish. In particular, Nishimoto presented multiple other same person theories, to prove ‘Poong-jang = Gyo-gi’, however if ‘Seon-gwang = Buyeo Yong’ is not convincing, it cannot even be introduced. But, traces of Seon-gwang and Buyeo Yong before and after the fall of Baekje indicated that they were different persons. Therefore, basis of it is extremely precarious. Examining Nishimoto’s other papers on Baekje-Wa relation together, it can be found that he recognized ‘Tax of Imna(任那調)’ and ‘Reconstructing Imna(任那復興)’ as the historical facts. Based on ‘Poong-jang = Gyo-gi’, he said when Baekje occupied the former Gaya region in AD642, Wa who has claimed dominium of Imna demanded the dispatch of a prince, then Baekje sent Poong-jang(= Gyo-gi), the son of King Uija, to Wa in AD643. Given this, it remains the impression he interpreted the above issues in line with his opinion. In short, 'Poong-jang = Gyo-gi’ has clear limits in the attitude and perspective of handling with historical materials. Although ‘Poong-jang = Gyo-gi’ is attractive, it is necessary to pay attention to the process from which this view was derived. In this paper, Poong-jang and Gyo-gi are understood as different persons, and Poong-jang was a formal envoy sent to Wa by his father King Uija in AD631, and Gyo-gi was a nephew of King Uija and expelled by political change in AD642.

It was once generally accepted among historians that Anapji Pond in Gyeongju was called Wolji Pond during the Unified Silla period and that the complex of buildings situated to the west of the pond were the remains of Woljigung Palace, where the crown prince of Unified Silla had his residence and his offices. Recently, however, a new theory or viewpoint has emerged to the effect that the complex of buildings situated to the west of the pond was not actually the crown prince’s palace(called Donggung Palace, or the “Eastern Palace”) and that the pond currently called Anapji Pond is not the same as the pond called Wolji Pond mentioned in ancient sources. The purpose of this study is to ascertain the original function of Anapji Pond and the aforementioned complex of buildings based on the extant historical materials related with the site. A careful survey of the “garden pond”(Wonji) at Wolseong clearly shows that the present-day Anapji Pond was known as Wolji Pond(月池, “Moon Pond”), where the first character, Wol(月), symbolizes the supreme authority or power. As for the complex of buildings, which now includes Imhaejeon Hall, no related records have ever been found, although there are some records about the renovation of the buildings and the banquets hosted in them by Unified Silla’s rulers. One important clue concerning the function of the complex of buildings can be found in the record that Sujong, after being designated heir apparent(副君, Bugun), was allowed to reside in Woljigung(月池宮, “Moon Pond Palace”), and married Jeonggyo, a daughter of Kim Chunggong , two months later. Given that there is no record that Sujong(later King Heungdeok, r. 826-836) had any other consorts apart from Lady Janghwa, the record of Jeonggyo’s marriage to become a crown princess suggests that King Heondeok’s crown prince and the Bugun Sujong existed together for a certain period of time. One cannot argue, therefore, that Woljigung Palace, in which Sujong was allowed to live, was the crown prince’s palace. This also suggests that the complex of buildings to the west of Anapji Pond was directly connected with the crown prince of Unified Silla. As such, it is safer to conclude, based on the statements provided in The History of the Three Kingdoms(三國史記, Samguk sagi) and other historical records, that Imhaejeon Hall and Woljigung Palace were domains of the king, rather than the crown prince, of Unified Silla.

This paper is to review the recruiting methods and the selecting conditions of military officers in the early Goryeo, which was the typical ones of their recruitment. During the Goryeo Dynasty, military officers were divided into officers who commanded the central army and those who commanded local forces. The central military officers were selected through protected appointment(Eumseo), recruitment from Capital Soldiers(Gyeonggun) and Palace Army(Geumgun), and appointment made by merit. The local military officers were either recruited from Hyangri(local officials) or appointed among the local soldiers who made merit. Protected appointment was conducted for those from the military officer family. The recruitment from Capital Soldiers and Palace Army was conducted in case of vacancy in military officers for Capital Soldiers and Palace Army. Appointment by merit was conducted for the people or soldiers who caught thieves and for ordinary people, artisans and their descendants who had been prohibited from entering the government posts. And the recruitment from Hyang-ri was conducted within the Hyangris. Military officers conducted diverse military affairs, such as training soldiers and participating in combat. Therefore, they absolutely needed physical conditions and martial arts to train the soldiers and fight the enemy. In order to become military officers in the early Goryeo period, they could be selected only if they had physical conditions suitable for military officials such as great height, appearance, bravery, strength, and agility. Therefore, even those from protected appointment who had no restrictions on entering the government posts could become the military officers only after passing the archery or horse riding exam, and Hyangris were appointed as military officers after testing whether to have the talent at archery or to serve as military officers. On the other hand, ordinary people, artisans and their descendants who had been restricted in entering the government posts, the ordinary people who had to bear the public burdens, and the central and local soldiers could be appointed as the military officers only by merit, especially military merits. Thus, in the early Goryeo period, military officers could be appointed only after they were verified to have competence as military leaders during the selection process.

This is a reserch on Kyongchang Gungju Ryu clan, who was the queen consort of King Wonjong in Goryeo. According to the book of History of Goryeo(『高麗史』), Wang Hu(Empress) means a queen consort, and Gungju(宮主, an owner of a palace) was considered as a concubine. By means of the title, people may think that Kyungchang Gungju was a concubine of a king, but she was the empress of King Wonjong. To understand her in detail, I would like to focus on her family, marriage, and her position in the palace in the Goryeo dynasty. First, she comes from the royal family. Her father, Wang Chun(王佺), was a son of a princess of King Gangjong(康宗), and her mother was a princess of King Huijong(熙宗). Her original surname was Wang clan, but she changed family name into Ryu clan to hide the intermarriage between near relatives. She married King Wonjong as the second wife. This marriage was rather unusual because women of the royal family were the first consort for kings in Goryo before the times of the Mongol Yeun's intervention. The previous wife of King Wonjong was a granddaughter of Choi Yi, who was a ruler during the Military Regime in Goryeo. The first wife died after she gave birth to a son, so Kyngchang Gungju became the second consort. After the marriage, Kyngchang Gungju has been positioned in the first rank among women in the royal palace as a crown princess because no empress or empress dowager was alive. As a queen consort, she made a false charge against her stepson who would be a crown prince. Due to the incident, there could not establish a good rapport between two. At last her stepson, King Chungnyeol, acceded to the throne, so she had been in the position of the queen mother. By the way, the new king and his queen consort did not respect her as a queen mother. In addition, some eunuchs reported to the king that she had prayed with a magician monk to make her biological son as a king, so she was punished by the king. As a result, she degraded into a common person. Therefore, even though she was the queen consort of King Wonjong, her title was not recorded as an empress of King Wonjong, but as Kyungchang Gungju Ryu Clan.

This paper examined fourteen sites that have been confirmed to be Won(院) facilities sites from the Goryeo dynasty and the Joseon dynasty to analyze their characteristics and types. Through the analysis, this study was able to gain a detailed and diverse perspective of the historical characteristics of Won(院) facilities that existed nationwide during the Goryeo dynasty and the early Joseon dynasty. The main features of the Won(院) facilities were that most of them existed for a long period from the Goryeo dynasty to the Joseon dynasty, that they were located along principal roads, and that many of the facilities also served as spaces for Buddhist faith. The Won(院) facilities from the Goryeo dynasty and the Joseon dynasty could be classified into eight types by two criteria: the period of existence and whether the facility served as a space for the Buddhist faith. Many of the Won(院) facilities had the remains of rectangular-shaped buildings but did not display any exact type of structure or layout. While some of the facilities for Buddhist faith within the Won(院) facilities were established early during the Goryeo dynasty, more than a few facilities were built during the end of the Goryeo dynasty and the early Joseon dynasty, when the social status of Buddhism began to decline. This could be understood as proof that the social influence of Buddhism was remained strong even after the establishment of Joseon.

The Sun-on(宣醞), king’s special alcoholic beverage award, meant consolation, celebration, and courtesy for official or gentry. In 1736, the 12th year of King Yeongjo’s reign, King Yeongjo awarded alcoholic beverages to conciliate Noron and Soron Factions. King Yeongjo summoned Lee Kwang-Jwa of Soron and Min Jin-Won of Noron to conciliate them in 1730 and also in 1733 to give them a special order, known as Sipguhagyo(十九下敎). The Sun-on event in 1736 was an equally important political event as the past two affairs. In addition, there was a ceremonial procedure for the 1736 alcoholic beverage awarding event. In 1735, with the birth of the prince, the Noron faction requested exoneration of the four Noron officials who were executed during SinimOksa from guilt. A conflict occurred between Min Hyeong-Su, son of Noron’s head Min Jin-Won, and Lee Jong-Seong, son of Soron’s Lee Tae-Jwa. This incident was not just a confrontation between the two of them, but a clash of the Noron and Soron faction. Furthermore, considering that Min Hyung-Soo and Lee Jong-Seong were the sons of Min Jin-Won and Lee Tae-Jwa respectively, the representative members of the Noron and Soron faction, it could have continued on to the following generations to confront each other in future government. King Yeongjo, who planned to gradually establish bipartisan government, based on the Tangpyeong policy, tried to resolve the remaining animosity among them. In 1736, when King Yeongjo awarded alcoholic beverages to Min Jin-Won and Lee Tae-Jwa, Yeongjo invited their sons to lead the conciliation. Thus, King Yeongjo tried to minimize the collapse of the political balance by continuously emphasizing harmony with the Soron faction while gradually accepting Noron’s plea of innocence about SinimOksa.

In this study, it focused on that Hyeongmang Jegeup (the system that the second son succeeded the memorial service when the eldest son dies without son) was used as an alternative to family succession even in the 17th and 18th centuries when adopting a son was very popular in society. And it divided the system into three types and looked at each of them. Firsts, it was verified that the second son, who had already adopted, was returned to the relatives of the same clan to succeed his family after the death of the eldest son, based on Pagye Guijong (breaking adoption and returning the child to his birth family) established by the diplomatic relations in King Myeongjong Period. The succession was made by the second son because it was not propriety to adopt a son for the eldest son, who died before becoming an adult. Second, it was the case in which the eldest son and his wife did not satisfy the social standards necessary to carry out the service, so the second son replaced them. There was a social atmosphere in which the no one wanted to be adopted when the eldest daughter-in-law failed to maintain chastity or committed a serious crime. It is also a case when the eldest son has a incurable disease and does not meet the conditions for adoption due to failure to go through a rite of passage, such as a custom or wedding, which must be carried out as a human. Therefore, the second son unavoidably succeeded instead of him. Third, it is a case that using a second son because it can't be found one suitable for a generation of the clan that is the basic order of the relatives when finding a person for adoption. The eldest son who wished to adopt belonged to the lowest generation of the clan and couldn't meet the adoption requirements because he was not able to find a relative in the lower, so, the succession was made by the second son. As such, Joseon society in the 17th and 18th centuries, where adoption was widespread, prioritized adoption as an alternative to family succession, but, there were cases where the conditions to realize it were not in accordance with the circumstances of the family. However, even in the circumstances in which the adoption was not possible, the family succession using Hyeongmang Jegeup continued again because of the strong perception to succeed one's family.

This study reviews the affair of arresting ones for violating prohibitions(出禁) by Saheonbu(司憲府) in late Joseon. Saheonbu took the role of establishing the social order and principles in Joseon, through inspection on the government officials and correction of the public morals. And this affair was conducted in the process of enacting and operating the prohibitions for correction of the public morals. Therefore, Saheonbu was the center of three law enforcement authorities to conduct arresting ones for violating prohibitions in Joseon. Since the 17th Century, there had been enacted the regulations for preventing the evils arising from arbitrary, incontinent, or overlapping control of violating prohibitions by three law enforcement authorities. Especially in 1688, comprehensive measures, such as enhancing responsibilities and transparency on controlling of violating prohibitions and managing redemption money(贖錢), dispatching officers for arresting ones of violating prohibitions with due process, and prevention of overlapping controls by the authorities, were established, while Saheonbu recognizing the main authority for controlling of violating prohibitions. Nevertheless, the bad practices had not been corrected, yet, and then, there had been more detailed laws for prohibiting the officials of the authorities at home to dispatch controlling officers and for restraining them from abusing people. But there had been some exceptions for Saheonbu, the main authority of controlling of violating prohibitions, for instance, permitting to dispatch controlling officers with paper tablet(紙牌), not lawful wooden tablet for efficiency. With change from decision-making to dispatch controlling officers at all officials’ meeting(諸會) in Saheonbu in early Joseon to that at Seongsangso(城上所) after Japanese invasions of Korea in 1592, and in the process to enhance Daesaheon(大司憲)’s supervision as preventing arbitrary control of prohibitions from it, there had been an emphasis on the functional feature to control of violating prohibitions rather than the stature of Saheonbu as an authority to build a social order and principles.

This paper examines the process and purpose of the US vassal General Sherman and the British missionary Robert Thomas’s approach to Joseon amid the international circumstances of Northeast Asia in 1866. The acting French minister in Peking, Henri de Bellonet seized upon ‘Byung-in persecution’ as an opportunity to conquer Joseon and transform it into a Catholic country. The Qing government, cautious of this potential change of situation, sought to establish alliance with Great Britain in order to prevent the French from taking any further actions. Great Britain especially displayed interest in opening trade relations with Joseon and the incident regarding U.S. schooner General Sherman and Robert Thomas occurred in this context. Thomas boarded the General Sherman with the intention of conducting transactions with Joseon, preaching the protestant gospel, and preventing a potential military conflict between Joseon and France. However, due to the ambiguous policy of the Qing authorities and firm resistance against opening ports from Joseon, such attempts made by Thomas could not succeed. Previous studies have described the General Sherman and Thomas as an example of Western imperialistic invasions upon Joseon, but this study revealed that Robert Thomas’ attempt was aimed to prevent French’s monopoly through free-trade, avoid military struggle, and secure freedom of religion in Joseon.

Gamriseo(監理署; the Superintendent Office), made for the management and supervising of the Korean Maritime Customs(海關) in late 19th century, lost its original function and turned into the public office for the control over foreigners in 1896. And the new regulation for Gamriseo, named “The Administrative Laws and Rules for Every Superintendent Offices at the Treaty Ports and Open Markets”, was made in 1899. According to it, the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs(外部) over the local administration performed by Gamri(監理; the Superintendent) became more clear, with that of the Department of the Interior(內部) put the brakes on. At the same time, the jurisdiction of the Department of the Interior over Gamri was allowed only in case of the affairs related to foreigners, which meant that the duties of Gamri would be more specialized in that of the control over foreigners. Gamri and the local government chief became separated on January, 1903. This step was taken to relieve Gamri's burden of business superficially, but actually because of the conflict on the district merger of Gil-Joo(吉州) and Seong-Jin(城津) in Ham-Gyoung Do(咸鏡道). It was an operational vacuum of Gamriseo which its occupation by the violent demonstrators caused and lasted for a long while, that made the step of the separation(Gamri and the local government chief) taken as complementary measures for such a problem due to holding the position of the local government chief concurrently by Gamri. Consequently, Gamriseo turned again into the public office taking exclusive charge of the control over foreigners.

Choi Keun-woo was one of the leading roles in the 2.8 independence movement in 1919. Nevertheless, research focusing on Choi Keun-woo has not been conducted until now. This thesis attempts to clarify his activities and political thoughts by tracing fragmentary materials about Choi Keun-woo that can be confirmed at present. Choi Keun-woo was born in 1897 to a Yangban family in Kaesong. Around 1914, he moved to Japan and attended Tokyo High Commercial School in Tokyo, Japan, where he led the 2.8 Independence Movement. He escaped from Tokyo to Shanghai at the end of February 1919 and joined Korean students studying in Tokyo, including Lee Kwang-soo, Yoon Hyun-jin, and Shin Ik-hee, to participate in the establishment of the provisional government of the Republic of Korea and worked as the Independent newspaper reporter. At this time, he first met Yeo Woon-hyung. In November 1919, when Yeo Woon-hyeong was invited to Tokyo at the invitation of the Japanese government, he practiced Yeo Woon-hyung and lived a lifetime as a person of Yeo Woon-hyung. Choi Keun-woo moved to Europe in May 1920 at the recommendation of Yeo Woon-hyung. He spent 7 years working and study in Germany and France. He returned to Korea in November 1928. After returning to Korea, he carried out youth movement mainly through sports at the Kaesong Goryeo Youth Association. In 1930, he moved to Dandong, China. Since then, he continued to work as a leader of the Korean community in Dandong and Manchuria until around 1944, while serving as an informant for Yeo Woon-hyung. In 1944, Choi Keun-woo was dispatched to the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Chongqing under the direction of Yeo Woon-hyung, and participated in the Founding Alliance, and after 1945 he helped Yeo Woon-hyung in political activities to establish a new state. After Yeo Woon-hyung’s assassination in 1947, Choi Keun-woo took off his former role as a housekeeper and carried on the will of Yeo Woon-hyung to carry out a political movement to realize peaceful reunification and democratic socialism between the two Koreas. In the process of connecting Choi Keun-woo’s life scattered only with dots, what I discovered is that he took the lead in the 2.8 Independence Movement during the Japanese colonial period, met with the ‘great’ teacher, Yeo Woon-hyung, and realized the meaning of the country. Without being frustrated in the situation, he survived that era with flexibility and perseverance, and finally, he and Yeo Woon-hyung were the first of all to be a person who struggled to prepare for the unified future of Korea after liberation. Choi Keunwoo’s activity at the Manchurian Association was a camouflage technique to help Yeo Woon-hyung’s independence movement under the Japanese colonial watchdog. Choi Keun-woo aimed to build a new country based on democratic socialism, and he was a person who emphasized the belief that the subject of history is the “people,” and that equality as well as freedom is a valuable value by succeeding Yeo Woon-hyung’s movement until the end of his life.

The cholera broke out in Seoul comparatively belatedly at the end of May, 1946, and then in the following month the epidemic came to be spread to the outskirt of Seoul, especially on the riverfront of the Han River and its vicinities, infecting not a few residents there. The flood late in July exacerbated the outbreak of the epidemic, which came to make continually contagious those people living next to downtown Seoul, especially the inhabitants of the villages along Ch’ŏnggye Stream and the residents in its neighboring ones. In the fall of the year, however, the epidemic came to an end. The seasonal choler epidemic in metropolitan Seoul showed its outstanding feature, viz. the less infections with lower case fatality rate compared with the epidemic plaguing other provincial localities in contemporary South Korea. The feature was caused by the local potentials of basic heath and social infrastructures enough to cope with the epidemic, and, more significantly, by the contemporary disinfection policy of South Korean authorities which was currently oriented toward the protection of metropolitan Seoul from the infection. The short history of the cholera epidemic in Seoul was not only bacteriological but also socio-political in post-colonial South Korea. The fact that the waterborne infection of cholera surged in the areas along the Han River and the Ch’ŏnggye Stream shows the cholera spread in 1946 Seoul was a bacteriological phenomenon. At the same time, the spread was a socio-political one in that the surge of the epidemic was found in the outskirts of Seoul where the urban infrastructures such as water supply and drainage system was poorly established. Moreover, the epidemic spread which began with the infection of some Korean repatriates from China expressed the post-colonial history of the East Asia and Korea which the establishment of the ethnic nation-states system followed the collapse of Japanese empire. Given this, we can say that the cholera outbreaks in 1946 Seoul were socio-political occurrences as well as natural, bacteriological ones. At the same time, the cholera pandemic in Seoul expressed the simultaneous progress of modern ‘metropolis/periphery’ relationship at the level of the nation and the locality. The Seoul-oriented disinfection policy for the defense of the capital city delayed the first outbreak of cholera in Seoul, bringing forth its comparatively mild outbreak. Given this, the center of the epidemic in Seoul was the local periphery which was located at riverside and streamside areas equipped with poor urban infrastructures. This shows that the cholera epidemic in 1946 Seoul was the historical event as a modern relationship between metropolis and periphery.

In the late 1970s, Bokbuin(speculating woman), who appeared through real estate speculation, was the subject of social criticism, but it was also a reflection of women's economic self-reliance. It was a symbol that reversed the relationship between men and women according to the flow of money. The patriarchal power of men, whose main source was money acquisition, is facing a major crisis due to the emergence of economically independent Bokbuin. This soon led to a family crisis, and the Bokbuin became the subject of ethical criticism. The crisis was not confined to the home, and the Bokbuin was considered a source of disorder and confusion throughout socioeconomic reproduction. In the 1970s, the social competition over the acquisition of money was becoming blatant as the capitalist market economy became sweeping, and the social tension and conflict it caused were also bound to proliferate. Speculation was a cross-section of this situation, with the government’s policy failures and the structural problems of the capitalist market. Bokbuin was actively highlighted as a material that covered up and diluted them. In particular, the Bokbuin was an excellent material for setting ethical problems. Throughout the 1980s, this system of speech became more widespread and developed social influence. From some point on, Bokbuin has become a representative noun that symbolizes social problems and ethical decline, and it is still highly influential.