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This study set out to examine the content and operative modes of “Cham[prediction]”s that spread across the Goryeo society and investigate their impacts and outcomes on the society those days. The study first examined books of predictions that were circulated in the Goryeo society to figure out the nature of predictions in the society. In Goryeo, a variety of Docham-seos[Books on Docham(圖讖)] were in circulation including Doseon-gi (道詵記), Sinji-bisa (神誌秘詞), and Haedong-birok (海東秘錄). During the reign of King Yejong(睿宗), in particular, they published Haedong-birok to commune with the books on yin(陰) and yang(陽) and geography that had been passed around. It was an operation for the government to supervise and control “Cham”s. The “Cham”s that were spread in Goryeo were categorized based on their content. They mainly contained methods to prolong the fate of a state, content about the collapse of a dynasty and the foundation of a new country, and predictions about disasters or the future of an individual. It was apparent that “Cham”s had a broad spectrum in the Goryeo society. The books of predictions and the content of “Cham”s that were circulated in the Goryeo society had the following political implications: first, “Cham” had “room” for interpretations, which means that they interpreted and utilized the content of parts that met a political need; and secondly, the Goryeo society basically had trust in “Cham”s, but there were critical viewpoints of them, too. The keynote was to recognize predictions about the foundation of a state as they concerned the basis of a country and were thus accepted as part of the inviolable territory. This may provide evidence that predictions and their interpretations were quite political. Being afraid that “Cham”s might be used for negative purposes such as a revolt, politicians supervised the spread of “Cham” among the population, which indicates that “Cham” had considerable power of social influence. “Cham” contained the desire of people that talked and made use of them. “Cham”s were called predictions, but they were not necessarily about future events. Some kind of rationality was granted to “Cham”s by putting the desire of people in the clothes of predictions, which suggests the social significance of “Cham.”

This study attempts to explore how a certain Toson pigi was appeared in the middle of 18th century in Korea Ch‘ungch’ŏng Province and how it had something to do with a person named Yi Chisŏ who put up a poster. The poster, which was put up in the town of Muńŭi, was based in part on the aforementioned Toson pigi. It had some sentences that were quoted from it. For example, “‘Dragon head and snake tail.’ Dragon head is the mu-chin (year); Snake tail is the last month of the ki-sa (year)” Another sentence quoted went, “Like Wae and not Wae, they come from the south. neither mountain nor water, the benefit is in kung-kung.” For this study, I compared Toson pigi(1748) of Yi Chisŏ with Toson pimun published by Ahn Chungeun(1926-1993) in 1981. This attempt confirms the prophecy record under the title of Toson that contained what content and format in the mid-18th century of the Chosŏn Dynasty. The mu-sin rebellion of 1728 was an event in which the confrontation and conflict of Factionalism among the yangban officials erupted in society as an armed conflict. Yi Chisŏ had distant links with it. He was dissatisfied with the dynasty and the king Yŏngjo(1724-1776) because of his situation of being alienated from political power and his unfortunate economic status. And he took an active interest to the politics of the capital. Yi Chisŏ experienced alienation and poverty, and tried to believe in the end of the real world and the emergence of a new world by relying on prophecy under the name of a person surnamed Chŏng.

This article focuses on the courtesy given by the state among the ceremonies of high-ranking officials during the Goryeo Dynasty. Especially the study focused on the part called Gam-ho(監護, Funeral Supervision). Gam-ho means ‘to supervise the funeral’ and is a measure given by the state to take charge of the funeral of the official concerned. The main target of Gam-ho is the prime minister. Gam-ho oversees the sequence of locating the tomb, arranging a funeral date, and moving the body for burial. It was assumed that this role was mainly played by Ye-Bin-Seong(禮賓省). However, a close aide to the king was also appointed as guardian. This was an expression of the king’s special interest and preferential treatment for the deceased beyond the prescribed courtesy.

The Yi Seong-gye has lived as Goryeo people since the 5th year of King Gongmin. Lee Seong-gye established many majors in Goryeo based on his strong military power, but he was alienated from entering the central political world because he was from Dongbuk-myeon. Yi Seong-gye emphasized that it was not much different from Goryeo’s noblemen, such as studying confucianism to overcome this advantage and passing Yi Bang-won in the civil service literary examination. Nevertheless, it was not easy to overcome the fact that he was from Dongbuk-myeon. When the political need to form an identity as a Goryeo person, not a person of Dongbuk-myeon, was required, Yi Seong-gye used a method of diluting Jeonju, where his ancestors lived, by recognizing it as an incense or hometown. Through this, we tried to break away from hybrid identity. This was triggered by a meeting with Jeonju Yi Clan, who had different branches at the Jeonju Omokdae banquet while returning home after the 6th year of King Woo’s reign. Yi Seong-gye used Bonggunho as a way to make Jeonju Lee his hometown. He connected his father, his brother Yi Won-gye, and himself to Jeonju. In the winter of 1387, Yi Saek was asked to express Yi Seong-gye’s father Yi Ja-chun’s memorial stone, and it was an effort to erase in advance the flaws that would act as a negative factor for him in his later political moves.

This paper aims to review these conventional opinons about the time of the Principle of Three Equalities(Sam Kyun chuui) was established. According to previous studies, it was conceived when the Movement for the National Single Party took place between 1926-1927. The Sam Kyun chuui is the embodiment of Cho So Ang’s theory of national movement. His Sam Kyun chuui is based on the idea of the formation of the National Unique Party(以黨治國, ‘Idangchiguk’) and the Theory of National Revolution, which claims the dominance of the Korean Provisional Government. For this reason, in order for that to be established, it is necessary to form a nationalist party to support the Korean Provisional Government established in 1919. In The Declaration of Korean Independence of Korea(大韓獨立宣言書, 1919), the origin of Cho So Ang’s Sam Kyun chuui is confirmed, but he hadn’t to pay attention to the concept of ‘the organize a positive party’(立黨) at that time. Since 1922, he has suggested an idea about the independence party, but he could not establish the Sam Kyun chuui because he was Rhee Syngman’s factionist. Cho So Ang accepted the idea of ‘Idangchiguk’ around January 1927 to stand in solidarity with the Chinese Nationalist Party. The Provisional Constitution(Ymsiyakheon), effective in April 1927, served as an opportunity for him to return to the Korean Provisional Government. As a result, those ideas of the ‘Idangchiguk’ and imperative support plan on Provisional Government became the foundation of the Cho So Ang’s Sam Kyun chuui.

『The Annals of King Gojong(高宗實錄)』 has been widely used as pabulum for the study of Korean modern history, although it has fundamental limitation due to compilation by Japanese imperialism. Unlike Japanese claims that it was compiled by making 『the Annals of King Cheoljong(哲宗)』 a model in respect for the ‘tradition’ of Joseon, 『The Annals of King Gojong』 should be understood within colonial historical studies, because it was compiled by Yiwangjik(李王職) for the collection and editing process of modern historical records, like 『Joseon History』 by Joseon History Compilation Committee. It is imperative for the crtique of colonial historical studies within the colonial period and overcoming the limitations to historical records for the study of Korean modern history to find out how 『The Annals of King Gojong』 was compiled. Japanese Imperial Household Agency(宮內省) asked Asami Rintaro to compile 『The Annals of Yitaewang(李太王)』 immediately after the death of King Gojong, which was compiled, but never disclosed. While Oda Shogo took the lead to compile 『Annals of Gojong and Sunjong』 in Yiwangjik, Dabohashi Giyoshi compiled historical records from coronation year of King Gojong to June 1894 in volume 4 of chapter 6 in 『Joseon History』. It is necessary to compare 『The Annals of Yitaewang』, 『The Annals of King Gojong』, and 『Joseon History』, which were compiled by Japanese imperialism. As 『The Annals of King Gojong』 was compiled as the history of the dynasty, highlighting perfunctory royal protocals, whose pioneering figure was shown in 『The Annals of Yitaewang』 by Asami Rintaro, That is the reason why 『The Annals of King Gojong』 lays the foundation of distortion of King Gojong era, although it was insisted to be compiled in respect for the ‘tradition’ of Joseon. As the history of the Great Han Emipre was compiled as the ‘annals’ of the dynasty, in which the system of historiographer was abolished after the Gabo Reformation, it led to dwindle down transformed social aspects in the era of the Great Han Empire and the process of infringement of sovereignty by Japanese imperialism. There were massive materials collected from the time of Old Customs Investigation, and Kiguchi Kenjo led the collection of modern historical records, however, those materials were not reflected in the compilation of 『The Annals of King Gojong』. In 『Sillogpyeonchansungan』, which was supervised by Japanese, including Oda Shogo, most of historical records were based upon 『Daily Records of the Royal Secretariat(承政院日記)』, 『Ilsungrok(日省錄)』, and the offical gazette. The perfunctory history of King Gojong era was compiled by excerpting only from the chronicles without public and private documents, including government documents of the Great Han Empire. 『Joseon History』 chapter 6, volume 4, by Joseon History Compilation Committee was compiled until June 1894, and the era of the Great Han Empire and the era before and after annexation were put aside for 『The Annals of King Gojong』. Thus they could avoid the embarrassment to open sensitive historical records in this era. As a result, the compilation of 『The Annals of King Gojong』 in the form of ‘tradition’ by Yiwangjik, and 『Joseon History』 based upon modern historical method by Joseon History Compilation Committee divided roles, and shaped the recognition framework of modern history by colonial historical studies. In this context, the compilation of annals by Yiwangjik was not separate from the works of Joseon History Compilation Committee, and was pursued hand in hand. Distortion of history of King Gojong era was made by selective exclusion of historical records or intentional contextual arrangement. Fundamental question can be raised about whether it can be ‘actual proof’ in the strict sense when historical records showing modern images in King Gojong era were thoroughly excluded. Thus, the compilation of history of King Gojong era in the modern form is urgent in place of 『The Annals of King Gojong』 rather than making use of them as fundamental historical records without critical thought.

Tsuda Sokichi(津田左右吉) is a remarkable historian given the ambivalence of historiography of colonialism, which not only historically defended invasion and colonization, but also tried to reorganize East Asian history centered on Japan. Having had an idea of contempt for China and Korea, he talked about the purity of the Japanese imperial family and the uniqueness and excellence of the Japanese people and culture based on it. In this process, like other Japanese historians, he affirmed Japan’s conquest and domination of Korea in ancient times. As is well known, Tsuda viewed Kojiki(古事記) and Nihonshoki(日本書紀) as the same as a literary work. Therefore, he didn’t believe the Empress Jingu(神功皇后)’s conquest of Silla, which was recorded in Nihonshoki. However, what he denied was Empress Jingu, not the Silla conquest. In other words, the conquest of Silla by the Yamato sovereignty is a historical fact, but it was not Empress Jingu who conquered Silla. He argued that it was in the late 4th century that the Yamato sovereignty’s conquest of Silla based on the Gwanggaeto monument. However, in order to talk about the conquest of Silla by the Yamato sovereignty in the late 4th century, it was necessary to explain the growth of the Yamato sovereignty. This is because achieving overseas conquest and domination means that political power emerged and developed early in Japan, and culture blossomed for it. Tsuda found the main cause of the emergence and development of political power in ancient Japan before the 8∼10th centuries when Japanese culture reached the level of confrontation with Chinese culture, from the influx of Chinese culture into Japan. Lelang Commandery(樂浪郡) and Daifang Commandery(帶方郡), which were established in the northwest of the Korean Peninsula in the 1st century B.C. and existed until the early 4th century, were the starting points to explain this. The small powers of the Tsukushi(筑紫) region, which is advantageous for transportation to the Korean Peninsula, accepted Chinese culture from Lelang Commandery and spread it to the Kinki(近畿) region, and by the second century, Yamato Rowing also grew into a significant power and subsequently conquered surrounding powers. In the 4th century, the weakening of the Chinese dynasty caused by the Xianbei(鮮卑)’s activities led to the disappearance of the Lelang and Daifang Commanderies, the supporters of the Tsukushi region. And this was an opportunity for the Yamato sovereignty to occupy this area. On the other hand, in the southern region of the Korean peninsula, which remained at the tribal state under the pressure of the two Chinese commanderies, when the two commanderies disappeared, Silla unified the small country in Jinhan(辰韓) region and put pressure on the Byunhan(弁韓) region. Then, Byunhan’s powers asked Yamato for help, as a result, Yamato sovereignty’s conquest of Silla took place in the late 4th century. This was a historical image, which Tsuda drew through Japan’s conquest of the Korean Peninsula in ancient time. Presenting this historical image, Tsuda cited the existence of the monarch of the Yamato sovereignty, the imperial family of Japan, as one of the reasons for the growth of the Yamato power, in addition to the changes brought about by the influx of Chinese culture through Tsukushi and the activities of Xianbei. In other words, the historical image presented by Tsuda was to explain Japan’s history of the growth and development of the Yamato sovereignty centered on the imperial family with East Asia as the stage.

This paper focuses on the discourse of sadaejuui, which can be understood as a tributary ideology that elevates a dominant counterpart to exemplary status, as presented by the Japanese historian Takahasho Toru, a representative example of his field, the colonial historiography of “Joseon,” and explores its significance and context. Among Japanese historians of the colonial historiography of Korea, Takahashi, who stood out as an exception in his delving into the realm of thought and philosophy, valued “spirit” as the source of outward phenomena, through which he tried to define the national characteristics of Korea. In doing so, he expanded the scope of his research from language and literature to Confucianism, Buddhism, and new religions. The discourse of sadaejuui, which was the conclusion he reached, constituted his attempt to construct a philosophical discourse of sadaejuui distinct from the political discourse of sadaejuui more commonly discussed at the time. In so doing, the thrust of the argument he ultimately intended lay in the spiritual foreign dependency of Korean thought, rather than its unoriginality, as it was commonly articulated. This indicated an eternally unchanging nature that would reemerge time and again while merely changing its object of dependency, switching from China in the past to the U.S. at the time, even as it would continue to shift elsewhere in the future. In that sense, Takahashi’s discourse of sadaejuui resists equation with Sinophilism based on an admiration for Chinese civilization in and of itself. Rather, in English, its meaning is more closely aligned with the term “dependency” than “Sinocentrism.” However, while the discourse appears to emerge as a result of inductive reasoning, it in fact originated in a deductive approach which took as its starting point “Japan’s unique culture and thought” as the exemplary model it had in mind. As such, he argues that Korea failed to transform foreign ideas from an autonomous perspective so as to successfully synthesize them because, unlike Japan, it lacked a national body or structure of state (J. kokutai) which, in his view, led to its subordination to Japan.

In the late 1950s, the poor quality of domestic products emerged as a social problem. Attempts have been made to improve the quality of the government, but only to establish quality standards for some export products. In this situation, the need for standardization emerged to improve quality, and the government of the Second Republic prepared related bills, but failed to lead to legislation. On September 30, 1961, the Industrial Standardization Act was promulgated, and the industrial standardization project began in 1962. However, consumers’ credit ratings for KS marks did not rise due to the abuse of some companies. Meanwhile, before and after the establishment of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan in 1965, demands for improving the quality of domestic products and ensuring the thorough quality of KS marked products have soared. However, the problem of defects in KS-marked products remained. The quality of exports was also a big problem. Quality issues were a major obstacle to export promotion. The 2nd Five-Year Economic Development Plan declared “export-firstism,” which required strict quality control. The government indicated that it would actively engage in rationalization of management and quality control rather than leaving it to companies. In addition, in order to cope with the opening of imports, it was requested to improve the quality of domestic products. The Industrial Quality Control Act was enacted on March 30. At the 1968 New Year’s press conference, President Park Chung-hee raised the need for a second economy. Businessmen were required to engage in creative activities, promote corporate ethics. Creative activities meant quality improvement through quality control and management rationalization. In January 1968, the Ministry of Commerce and Industry issued the first quality indication order, and accordingly, a crackdown on quality indication began in March. The government simultaneously implemented guidance and sanctions on companies.

This article analyzes the experience of DMZ Peace Map making as an example of cultural contents. Existing cultural contents research has dealt with concepts and methodologies, or criticized cases. However, this article deals with both the planning and implementation of DMZ Peace Map. Analytical descriptions of the historical and realistic backgrounds, ideas and concepts, methods, contents and meanings, and usage plans surrounding the subject matter are described. This is meaningful not only for the study of the DMZ, but also for suggesting the direction and alternatives of cultural contents and public history using digital media. DMZ Peace Map is a cultural content implemented through a digital medium called Web GIS. It is a creative representation of facts based on a problem-conscious awareness of the present, an expansive reinterpretation of primary data, and multidisciplinary convergence research. The DMZ Peace Map shows the various paradoxes and possibilities of facts. Digital content based on facts creates a rift in facts, makes history re-perceived not only as the past but also as the future, and the synthesis and classification of facts enables complex thinking. Through this, the DMZ, which was erased and closed, is appropriated for the public and popular.