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In a single space called 214 Seoksu-dong, Anyang-si, various layers of time are piled up from ancient to modern. First of all, the flagpole supports at Chungch’osa Temple Site with inscriptions show that the “Time of Temple” began in ancient times. Next, King T’aejo of Koryŏ changed this place to Anyangsa Temple and renovated it extensively, and the “Time of Temple” began in earnest. The appearance of Anyangsa Temple during the Koryŏ Dynasty was confirmed by excavation surveys from 2008 to 2011, and considering the results of the surrounding excavation surveys and Buddhist cultural heritage, Anyangsa Temple is thought to have flourished around 214 Seoksu-dong. After the decline of “Time of Temple” in the late Chosŏn Dynasty, “Time of Entertainment” using the natural scenery of Samseongcheon Stream has come in modern and contemporary times. Even during this period, some modern investigations into the “Time of Temple” were attempted. After liberation, at 214 Seoksu-dong, Yuyu Industrial Anyang Plant was built under the design of architect Kim Chung-up, and a new “Time of Architecture” began. “Time of Architecture” was transformed into a museum in the 2000s through factory relocation, purchase of Anyang-si, and excavation research, and began to actively link with “Time of Temple” On the other hand, “Time of Entertainment” has declined significantly since the 1970s and 1980s, and in the 2000s, Anyang-si reorganized it into Anyang Art Park and opened a new “Time of Art.” In the midst of such a gap in time, the “Time of Residence” where many residents lived was in full swing. As a result, in a single space at 214 Seoksu-dong, the time of temples (Ancient, Koryŏ, and Chosŏn), the time of entertainment and architecture (modern), and the time of residence and art (current) overlapped. In order to restore, utilize, and study the historicity of this space, it is necessary to focus on Anyangsa Temple in the Koryŏ Dynasty, the origin of Anyang’s geographical name, but to derive comprehensive historicity at a complex level of time, including architecture, entertainment, residence, and art. In Korean history research, it is necessary to pay attention to the level of “local history” research by fusing the description of the history of the times for a specific space while supplementing the research trend subdivided around “time.”

Based on the results of previous research on the ‘Gugok culture,’ which was transplanted from China and blossomed on the Korean Peninsula, this study examines how Zhu Xi’s ‘Gugok’ was received and interpreted in Joseon and what cultural phenomenon it created in the process of its subsequent transformation from a historical perspective. In particular, this study aims to examine how the Joseon elite’s appropriation of ‘Gugok culture’ took shape and developed in the 17th century, when the change of zeitgeist due to the destruction of the Ming Dynasty by the Qing Dynasty was prominent, and to diagnose its historical implications and present-day significance. Zhu Xi’s “Muidao Song,” and “Muigugokdo,” a depiction of the actual landscape of ‘Gugok,’ were transmitted to the Korean peninsula along with the acceptance of Confucianism in the late Goryeo Dynasty, and were actively enjoyed by the Joseon scholars as the development of Confucianism began in earnest in the 16th century. For them, ‘Gugok’ on Muyishan was perceived as the birthplace of Zhu Xi’s philosophy and the ideal place for Confucianism, so naturally there was a great deal of interest in literary and artistic works based on it, and attempts to incorporate ‘Gugok culture’ into the topography of Joseon began to appear. In particular, Seoin scholars of the Noron faction were active in their attempts to implement Zhu Xi’s ‘Gugok’ into Joseon, and the Gosan Gugok established by Yi Yi, as well as Song Si-yeol’s Hwayang Gugok and Kim Soo-jeung’s Gok-un Gugok, are still recognized today as representative examples of the ‘Gugok culture’ that developed on the Korean peninsula. Among them, Hwayang Gugok is a space that was painstakingly cultivated by Noron figures who tried to establish the tradition of Confucianism handed down from Zhu Xi to Song Si-yeol with the intention of recreating the origin of Zhu Xi’s philosophy in Joseon, and it became the center of Noron’s public discussion throughout the late Joseon Dynasty. Hwayangdong, originally named as a scenic spot in the central part of the Korean Peninsula, has become a place where the ‘Gugok culture’ of Joseon, which originated by Zhu Xi, was completed with Confucianist traditions and partisan adoration. Hwayang gugok was itself a constructed sanctuary that symbolized the cultural hegemony of the late Joseon Dynasty. The cultural markers visualized and internalized in the valley by Song Si-yeol himself or his disciples were inherited and disseminated through the direct and indirect experiences of travel and literature. By selecting, interpreting, and incorporating the symbols contained in Zhu Xi’s “Muidao Song” into their works, they sought to culturally legitimize the power of their school, and by adding the symbol of the ‘Cardinal Principle of Revering the Zhou Dynasty’ to it, they sought to lead and monopolize the cause of the times. This was because these actions were in line with the current thinking of the time, and thus served to strengthen the academic and cultural authority that underpinned the political authority of their school.

Until now, historical images of the intensification of the Three Kingdoms’ conflict and the intervention of the Tang dynasty have been discussed mainly in the 640s. This is a major inflection point in Korean history in that it leads to the union of Silla and Tang, and the destruction of Goguryeo and Baekje. However, there was also an incident in which the Tang Dynasty sent a person named zhūzǐshē(朱子奢) as a messenger to intervene in the conflict between the Three Kingdoms around 626. This incident has been generally regarded as an incident during the reign of Emperor Gaozu of Tang(唐高祖, 618-626), but as a result of criticism of historical materials, it is highly likely that it was an incident during the reign of Emperor Taizong of Tang(唐太宗).　At that time, the purpose of Emperor Taizong of Tang’s sending zhūzǐshē to the Three Kingdoms was Humméng(會盟)’s proposal, and as a result, the envoys of the Three Kingdoms gathered at the Tang Dynasty’s Imperial Court in late 627. In Humméng in 627, under the chairmanship of Emperor Taizong of Tang, the Three Kingdoms promised peace in the future, and King Mu of Baekje sent a diplomatic document to the Tang dynasty expressing his apology. However, Baekje did not stop attacking Silla until 627, and from Tang’s point of view, it was recognized that Baekje had broken its “promise between King and Vasal”. This led the Tang Dynasty to have a negative perception of Baekje, which is that Baekje easily breaks its promise, believing that it is located far away from the Tang Dynasty, and Baekje is different from the outside.　Such perception of the Tang Dynasty is thought to begin when Baekje broke Humméng’s promise in 627. The negative perception of Baekje by the Tang Dynasty is believed to be related to the deterioration of relations between the two countries since the 640s, and this is why the conflict between the Three Kingdoms and Humméng in the mid 620s should be noted.

This article analyzes activities and status of Yeonryunggun(延齡君) in the late period of king Sukjong’s reign in connection with King Sukjong’s plan to confirm succession structure of the crown prince who didn’t have a successor. Born as the sixth son of King Sukjong also the resuscitation of royal concubine Myeongbin(䄙嬪) Park grew up with a close relationship with the queen Inwon(仁元王后), using Yangsimhab(養心閤) that was an auxiliary space of king’s residence(大內) as his place after his mother’s death. His special status could be confirmed in the fact that he received princess Jeongmyeong’s house(貞明公主) as a private residence(私第) after his wedding and that he stayed at the palace to administer the medicine to King Sukjong even after his independence. As a result, Yeonryunggun emerged as a representative of the royal family, replacing the role of his older brother, Yeonyinggun. It was an attempt to politically connect King Gyeongjong and Yeonryunggun for stabilizing the succession structure to the crown prince who didn’t have a successor. The status of Yeonryunggun could be confirmed by his funeral and adopting second son of Milfunggun(密豐君) who was a legal posterity of crown prince Sohyeon after his untimely death.

The eon-gwan(言官) eonron(言論) is the most important element that characterizes Joseon's political culture. However, in fact, only《Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄)》 has been analyzed as the main source while ignoring the primary source,《Seungjeongwon Ilgi(承政院日記)》. As a result, the current status of research history is that quantitative analysis on the subject and form of the press as well as the number and content of the press is absolutely incomplete. This is a very inappropriate situation, considering that words and phrases are generally taught in the field of secondary history education. Moreover, it is the general interpretation that the influence of the eon-gwan(言官) eonron(言論) decreased overall after tangpyung-period(蕩平政治期), especially during sedo-period(勢道政治期). However, this means that the Gongron(公論) political tradition based on bungdang(朋黨) has been weakened. Even during the period when the sedo(勢道) families monopolized political powers, the eon-gwan(言官) eonron(言論) was still used at the center of political debates. Therefore, in order to understand the political history after the sedo-period, the eon-gwan(言官) eonron(言論) is an important historical material. I analyzed the trends quantitatively by extracting the eon-gwan(言官) eonron(言論) in Cheoljong(哲宗)-period by《Seungjeongwon Ilgi(承政院日記)》. I also interpreted the contents of the eon-gwan(言官) eonron(言論) politicaly. Through this, it is expected that while empirically identifying the aspects of the eon-gwan(言官) eonron(言論) in sedo-period(勢道政治期), it will provide a basis for developing the existing 19th century political history narrative in korea more abundantly.

This study examines the development of the transitional government initiative promoted by U.S. Ambassador of Korea, Samuel S. Berger to reconsider the goals and role of the United States in early 1963. Berger’s goals during this period were not reducible to the removal of Kim Jong-pil. After the failure of the Democratic-Republican Party reorganization, Berger envisioned a political reorganization that would unite Park Chung-hee, Yun Bo-sun, and Heo Chung to rally support from the military. After the March 16 declaration, Berger believed that the entire South Korean military wanted to extend the military regime, and he pushed harder for a transitional government as a buffer. However, Berger did not anticipate the antagonism between military and civilian politicians and the changing position of the UN Forces Commander, Guy S. Meloy Jr., and as a result, the transitional government was only an ideal solution.