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2008, Vol.1, No.19

  • 1.

    Middle Power Diplomacy in International Security: A Case Study of Nuclear Disarmament

    Hyun Kim | 2008, 1(19) | pp.4~48 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    This study analyzed the factors that contributed to the emergence of middle power diplomacy conducted by the New Agenda Coalition (NAC) as a coalition of seven middle powers for international nuclear disarmament. It also explains the reasons for the achievements and failure of NAC’s middle power diplomacy at the 2000 and 2005 NPT Review Conference, respectively. These reasons are provided by applying four conditions for effective middle power diplomacy to the two conference cases: (1) proper opportunity, (2) diplomatic capacity, (3) intellectual leadership and creativity, and (4) credibility. NAC’s diplomatic achievements at the 2000 conference were attributable to such factors as the perceived need for the strengthening of NPT, effective diplomatic means of NAC, overwhelming support from the NGO community, NAC leadership as an entrepreneur of the nuclear abolition norm, and credibility gained from both nuclear-weapon and non-nuclear- weapon states. NAC’s diplomatic failure at the 2005 conference resulted from the following factors: nuclear-weapon states' refusal to implement their commitments to nuclear disarmament, divisions and the absence of leadership within NAC, the weakened nuclear abolition norm, and NAC’s lack of support and credibility.
  • 2.

    A Study on Psychosocial Mechanism of Copycat Suicide among Adolescents

    Nam soon hyeon | 2008, 1(19) | pp.49~84 | number of Cited : 14
    Abstract PDF
    Recently suicide rates get serious as much as exceeding traffic accident rates. Especially, it is reported that 47% of adolescents have ever felt the impulse to kill themselves and so adolescent suicide became a serious social issue. Therefore, the purpose of the study was to grasp seriousness of adolescent suicide and to investigate an effect of developmental characteristics of an adolescence and cultural identify confusion on adolescent copycat suicide. The research investigated with 450 middle school, high school and university students from 13 years old to 22 years old from June 7, 2007 to June 25, 2007. The results were as follows. First, we could know seriousness of adolescent suicide as 208(46.2%) adolescents who felt the impulse to kill themselves more than once, 76(16.9%) adolescents who experienced self-injury or suicide attempt more than once and 214(47.5%) adolescents who have ever been in a serious suicidal ideation. Second, adolescents with a strong individualism didn't feel a psychological happiness in comparison with adolescents with a collectivism, but didn't go through psychosocial maladjustment. Third, adolescents with a strong individualism didn't have depression though they didn't feel a psychological happiness. Namely, they didn't have a psychosocial maladjustment or escape from the self but rather had an unrealistic optimism for the future. Finally, as the result analyzing a causal model about adolescent copycat suicide using AMOS, adolescents's psychological unhappiness by cultural identify confusion promoted significant depressogenic attribution about main accidents (Academic achievement level). Such a tendency was amplified by a public characters' suicide (The deceased actress Lee, Eun Joo) and it was appeared that suicide accidents were caused by a pathological identification and a normative social influence which adolescents, they believed, followed their suicide acts to escape from a psychological unhappiness and came to commit an copycat suicide.
  • 3.

    Income Determination and Growth Decompositon of Korean Cities

    Sangho Kim | 2008, 1(19) | pp.85~119 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    This study analyzes regional income using a five-year panel of 163 Korean cities and counties for the period 1998-2002. Empirical results showed that all the variables representing agglomeration economies, infrastructure and financial deepening significantly affected regional income. Furthermore, the number of patent applications, number of travel companies and share of tertiary sector all significantly affected has regional growth. The relative importance of variables based on income determination regression showed that the number of patent applications was the most important factor of regional growth. Among the other factors, the income growth of general cities was driven by manufacturing industry, and the growth of composite cities, which include rural counties, depended on neighboring cities, while county growth was driven mostly by the growth of neighboring cities.
  • 4.

    Cette signification contemporaine des idées de la Constitution française à la fin de XVIII ième siècle

    Chung jong-gil | 2008, 1(19) | pp.120~146 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    Selon cette tradition, la doctrine de la souveraineté nationale postulerait que le titulaire de la souveraineté est la nation, c'est-à-dire une entité tout-à-fait abstraite, qui n'est pas composée seulment des hommes vivant sur le territoire à un moment donne, mais qu‘on définit en prenant en compte le continuité des générations ou un interet général qui transcenderait les intérêts particuliers. Comme il s'agît d'une entite abstraite, elle ne pourrait evidement pas exercer la souveraineté. La democratie directe impossible. Elle ne peut vouloir que par ses representants. Elle ne peut d'ailleurs même pas les choisir, puisqu'elle n'a pas pour éléments des hommes réels. Elle est donc contrainte de confier ce soin à certains hommes. Le suffrage n'est pas un droit, mais une fonction confiée par la nation. Elle ne droit pas d'ailleurs etre confiée à tous, mais à ceux qui sont capables de l'exercer et il se peut que seuls en soient capables certains, notamment parmi ceux qui, possedant des biens ou ecercant une profession ou payant des impôts, ont un intérêt à defendre. Une fois élus, les representants, qui ne representent par leurs électeurs, mais cette nation abstraite ne doivent évidemment être soumis à aucun contrôle. La souveraineté nationale entrairait donc des consequences symétriquement inverses de celles que l'on suppose à la souveraineté populaire : - refuse de la démocratie directe ou sémi-directe. - théorie de l'électorat-fonction et possibilité du suffrage restreint, -prohibition du mandat impératif. Au contraire, la doctrine de la souveraineté populaire enseignerait que la souveraineté appartient au peuple, conçu comme l'ensemble des hommes vivant sur un territoire donne. Ce peuple serait donc un être réel. Il peut donc exercer lui-même sa souveraineté. La doctrine de la souveraineté populaire serait donc compatible avec la démocratie directe. Cependant au cas où il apparaitrait que cette démocratie directe est peu practicable, le peuple pourrait déléguér l'exercice de la souveraineté. Mais comme le peuple est être réel, il est parfaitement capable d'avoir et d'exprimer une volonté distincte de celles des gouvernements. Tous ceux qui composent le peuple peuvent et ont le droit de choisir ces gouvernements et de contrôler leurs actions. Aussi, la doctrine de la souveraineté populaire implique-t-elle trois conséquences : - le principe de l'éléctorat-droit, c'est-à-dire le suffrage universel, -des éléments de démocratie directe, c'est-à-dire l'institution du referendum, -le mandat impératif. Ainsi, les constituants procéderaient toujours a un choix fondementale entre deux doctrines de la souveraineté. Ce choix presenterait d'ailleurs un caractere idéologique marque : la doctrine de la souveraineté populaire serait democratique et progressiste, la doctrine de la souveraineté nationale conservatrice. Cette formule, reproduite a l'article 1 de la Constitution coréenne de la 1987, entrainerait ainsi certaines des conséquences de la souveraineté nationale et certaines des conséquences de la souveraineté populaire.
  • 5.

    Political Language of Park Chung-hee's Mobilization Regime

    Dong-chun Park | 2008, 1(19) | pp.147~184 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    This paper examines what role Park Chung-hee's political language played in his exercising of power. His political language can be represented by slogans that were used to mobilize people through appeals to industrialization, modernization, nationalism, "democracy" under strong leadership, and national crisis. But what he meant by nationalism and democracy was so idiosyncratic in view of the meanings of the terms that were in general use among the Korean people that many opponents found his use of language hypocritical. Yet in his own cognitive structure, the correct meaning of words or logical consistency was matters that could be repressed with power as long as economic development to overcome national crisis was to be achieved in the meantime. Moreover, the meanings in which he used terms such as nation and democracy came by frequent usages to be incorporated among the diverse elements that would constitute the terms' legitimate meaning in general. As Park's language was justified as a means ofovercoming national crisis, so was it to be dissolved after the crisis is over. Korean society inherited the contraction of truth-sensitivity, the grammatical cleavage of political language, and the crisis-driven frame of reference from Park's political language and these aspects of political language have to be dealt with from now on.
  • 6.

    'Alles oder Nichts' Grammar of Adolf Hitler and its Political Rule-System : "The Negation of Reason"

    Hyeon-Soo Joe | 2008, 1(19) | pp.185~224 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    As is well known, language functions as more than merely the means of communication between human beings by also constituting the web of human thinking. Language must therefore be understood in terms of social context. The purposes of this paper are to examine unravel how Hitler got, maintained and then reinforced power through the use of language. He fully utilized political language as a means of mass agitation and mass manipulation for cultivating worship in himself, strengthening the position of his national socialist party in Germany and thus launching his overall reforms for Germany. political discourses havebeen proved to have rendered great impact on the political actions of the German people during his reign. Nobody would deny that Hitler created image of 'enemies and comrades' through the symbolic use of political language and thus indoctrinated German people with political ideas conducive to consolidating the legitimacy for his system of rule. His political language was designed to expose the negative standpoint of human reason for the final aim of constructing 'Volksgemeinschaft' through the attainment of life-space.
  • 7.

    Language and Politics in Aristotle: -Focusing on Interpreting On Rhetoric-

    Wonpyo Hong | 2008, 1(19) | pp.225~262 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The rhetoric contributes to improving the political status of the political animal as zoon logon echon. As Aristotle had contributed to negate the negative image of the rhetoric as the operative speaking, On Rhetoric provided the basis of realizing rhetorical politics in the public sphere. As a part of efforts to illuminate its contemporary meanings, this paper emphasizes the following four points. First, the debate over the rhetoric has politico -ontological meanings, as regards the critique against Aristophanes and Plato, because the rhetoric really contributes toward activating the political life. Second, we can consider the importance of epistemic attitudes concerned with ethos, pathos, and logos in public speaking. Third, we can elucidate the justified coexistence between the public and the private in political life from the perspective of the ethical orientation of public speaking. Fourth, Aristotle gives us the basis to understand the characteristic of political deliberation and judgment. According to this interpretation, On Rhetoric provides various data for the theoretical articulation on the relations between language and politics. Especially, this book offers insights which contribute to understanding and realizing the rhetorical politics in our times.
  • 8.

    Relation between Politics and Language in Thomas de Aquino's Thought

    이향만 | 2008, 1(19) | pp.263~294 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Accepting Aristotle’s political theory, Thomas de Aquino explains that humans can live as a social being because they are endowed with social virtues.To fulfill the craving for knowledge and social need, language is the necessary tool. From this point of view, humans are born as political beings to live together in a community. Since language helps to create social division and labor cooperation, in this way, languageplaysan outstanding role in human social life. Influenced by Aristotle’s thought, Thomas also propagates that reason has an independent and original sphere like faith. Social law is the crystallization of language that constructs an intellect agent in a community. According to Thomas, political activity appears during the process of a law and as the established law becomes a canonized language. This is a process of escalation, which begins from oral discourse and results in canonized law. Nevertheless, is it possible, that the canonized law can maintain a natural influence over power as an escalating process? Sovereign power should develop naturally through oral discourse within the limits of a constitution. However, in reality it is difficult to give up the authority in the process of governing for the common good. This shows the limit of Thomas' political discourse.
  • 9.

    Language and Politics in Jean Jacques Rousseau - Focusing on the Critique of Paul de Man and Jacques Derrida

    Seo Gyu-Hwan | 2008, 1(19) | pp.295~326 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    Politics is "outside" of language, if language is thought to be only a perfect instrument expressing thoughts. However, the relationships between language and politics cannot be so purely understood, in so far as language is a complex and social medium of complex societies. According to Jean Jacques Rousseau, "un homme sauvage" can be a man of error who doesn’t know any conventionality. But it is not clear that all metaphorsmust be primitive and in error, as Paul de Man presented in this thesis for "Resistanceto theory" . Rousseau noted that the most important and difficult problem comes at the transition from the poesie world to the prosa world, from the presocial to the true social langue. At the transition, poesie functions politically as much as it does spiritually. Poesie as the source of eloquence, not as eloquence itself, functions politically in the prosa world. In summary, without a collective hypothesis, it is impossible for a legislator to ground a body politic. The first poesie can be transformed into the prosa world. Derrida misinterprets Rousseau's theory of intersubjectivity thatis different from the theory of individualism. Rousseau argues for collective voices and writing, not an individualistic voice.
  • 10.

    Hobbes's View on the Role of Language on Politics and the State by Reason

    Jong Eun Lee | 2008, 1(19) | pp.327~368 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    No other political philosophers other than Thomas Hobbes have fully appreciated the extent to which that language plays many a lot of roles in politics. According to Hobbes, what makes human beings different from other animals is their use of the fact that man uses language with the help of reason. Civil philosophy is nothing but the reasoning on the speeches that have resulted from the trains of words. There prevail not only the violences but also the frauds due to abuse and misuse of language in society. This reflects exactly what Hobbes termed calls the state of nature. It is nothing but , I.e., the situation caused by the anarchy of meanings. Men make the social contract to avoid the fear caused by the anarchical state. The sovereign of the Commonwealth, as public reason, becomes a great definer of words, exercises the absolute epistemic power and controls the moral and political language. It is the epistemic power which makes the sovereignty absolute. The Commonwealth becomes artificial because it is established by reasoning through language, and so is language. Therefore, it is an urgent task for the sovereign to define what the political and moral discourses are possible and reasonable. Thus so that men can observe the moral commands by following the commands of the sovereign
  • 11.

    Stalin's Language and Politics: Theories and Tactics of Socialism in One Country

    WanJong Lee | 2008, 1(19) | pp.369~403 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    Joseph Stalin is one of the most notorious figures in history. In his years of power from the mid-1920s until his death in 1953, he personified the Soviet communist order. The October Revolution of 1917 in Russia had given rise to a one-party, one-ideology dictatorship that served as a model for the transformation of societies across a third of the globe's surface after the Second World War. Although Lenin had founded the USSR, it was Stalin who decisively strengthened and stabilized the structure. Without Stalin, the Soviet Union might have collapsed decades before it was dismantled in 1991. Stalin was not just a bureaucrat., he was a man driven by Marxist ideas. Its general assumptions were fashioned by him into politics conforming to his despotic inclinations. The political strategies and tactics of Stalin sprang from his practical calculations and his Marxist worldview. Marxism was a guiding philosophy throughout his political life. His theoretical innovations in ideology were crude developments of Marxism-Leninism. The innovations arose from political self-interest more than intellectual sincerity. Nevertheless, his own language and theories not only rationalized his politics well but also forced Soviet people to devote themselves for "the socialism in one country" and "complete victory of socialism".