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2017, Vol., No.104

  • 1.

    An Analysis on The North Korean Politics and Purges from the point of Power Struggle : Focused on The Continuities and Changes in The Backgrounds and Types of The Power Struggles

    유동궁 | 2017, (104) | pp.1~49 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    Considering the general ideas such as totalitarianism, socialism, and equalitarianism under the system of Suryung(the supreme leader of a group), there is no need to purge somebody in the North Korea. In December 2013, however, so-called ‘the actual ruler’, Jang Song-taek was executed horribly as a signal flare of the purge on the high ranking persons under the leadership of Kim Jung Eun. It doesn't make sense. If the power is overwhelmingly concentrated on the Supreme Leader, as described by the Su-ryong system theory, if all of the state apparatus are finely institutionalized to support his power, and if all of the ideologies legitimizing his authority such as Juche ideology are truly accepted by public and are prevalent in a society, and as described by totalitarianism, if all of the individuals and societies are under the surveillance of secret police, we can possibly assume that there are is no different views, no challenges, and no purges. But if we look into the history of the North Korean regime, purges happened frequently. So we feel intuitively that we need different explanation about North Korean regime except the Suryong system or a totalitarianism, that is the perspective of the power struggle. Under the awareness of the problems mentioned above, this article examines the four main purge cases of the North Korean regime: 1956, 1967, 1997 and 2013 purges throughout the history of this country, not to explain 'how much is this Suryong powerful?', but to explain 'why are these purges still happening?' under the article's analytical framework, three backgrounds of power struggle: 'an attempt to shift the power structure' - 'ideological debates' – 'economic policy confrontations', and drew the conclusions as follows. First, Although there is a question whether if there is a power struggle in the North Korean regime or not, we can assure that there is a power struggle, the politics in the North Korea. There are different views, conflicts, adjustments, and compromises among persons and groups. Second, the power struggles have been brought to the surface in the appearance of purges without exception in times of internal-external turmoils, and as the results of purges, the political power of the Supreme Leader have been solidified and strengthened. Third, the power struggle took place for various reasons, not only because of a political factor such as a power structure shift, but also because of the ideological disputes or the economic policy confrontations, and all the reasons have their own consistent conflict structure and logic such as regarding the power structure shift, 'collective leadership system vs. Suryong system which is powerful dictatorship, regarding the ideological debate, 'orthodox Marx-Leninism vs. Juche ideology', and regarding economy policies, 'communist economic policies vs. capitalist economic policies'. Fourth, something new pattern has been discovered in the recent Jang's purge case, that Kim Jong-un, the new Suryong, favored and adopted some reformative economic policies such as '6.28 measures' over against Jang Sung-taek's conservative policies, which implicates that the North Korean regime might step into the Chinese style transition, embracing the market economy elements into the state economy through the reformative policies to secure the regime's financial resources, and relieve discontents of North Korean people regarding economic matters, meanwhile strengthening the power in the political sphere.
  • 2.

    The Study on the Repatriation of Japanese in Korea and the Response of United States Army Military Government in Korea(USAMGIK) from 1945 to 1946.

    Shin, Jaejoon | 2017, (104) | pp.51~79 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This article examines how the US army military government in Korea(USAMGIK) responded to the process of returning to Japan from 1945 to 1946. The repatriation of the Japanese in Korea or the Koreans in Japan was a huge social phenomenon in terms of the termination and liberation of colonial period and massive movement of millions of people. In the course of filling up the vacancies of these movements and clearing up the remnants in the past colonial period, a prototype of later history of each society was embodied. Especially, this article makes an effort to focus on how the situation of the return of the Japanese influenced the response of the USAMGIK as the subject of 'execution' of repatriation. First, USAMGIK had insufficient proper manuals or capability with which implement repatriation. There had been communication problems with Seoul and the provinces of USAMGIK itself as well as with GHQ/SCAP. This point caused a confusion in the process of repatriation. Second, USAMGIK was the subordinate body of the GHQ/SCAP, which are in charge of oversees repatriations in East Asia, and at the same time was the subject of occupation administration under the jurisdiction of Korea. Even the same command system could have different interests depending on which of the direct jurisdictions were different, and this difference in opinion was mainly revealed by the problem of transportation of returnees.
  • 3.

    The Military Advices on the Decision Making at JCS of USA

    Sohn, Hanbyeol | kim, Sung-Woo | 2017, (104) | pp.81~119 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    It is natural that the military leadership plays a leading role in the implementation of military policy, but ‘the military advice’ is not always reflected on the process of the policy making. Historically, the relationships between the President of the United States and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff(CJCS) has been fluctuated, which has led to accept, ignore or criticize the military advice in the decision-making process of security and military policy. This study begins with questions such as "why a military advice is accepted, while the other advice is ignored?", and "when and how military advice of the JCS is accepted?" Research questions are raised; Was military advice always accepted? What are the conditions for accepting military advice? How are they reflected in the decision-making process? What is the policy implication for Korea? This article reviews the existing research on "military advice" and analyzes, through the case study, the process of reflecting the military advice of JCS to military policy. First, it presents two determinants of the advice acceptance; "information and resource control power of the military," “the President’s perception of the military,” which constitutes "bargaining advantages." And it analyzes the Kennedy government's military decision-making processes; Pigs bay invasion, Laos intervention, and the Cuban missile crisis, and draws lessons to contribute to the ROK military's enhancement of professionalism and strategic security policy.
  • 4.

    The Naval Power Competition between The U.S. and Russia of The Pacific in the period of Cold War –Focused on the Change in the Maritime Geopolitical Recognition-

    Jung, Gwang-Ho | 2017, (104) | pp.121~168 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    In the Pacific region, the mechanism of the power between inter-nation is acted on a maritime geopolitical principle through a crucial maritime sphere. In other words, the mechanism have been operated according to the principles such as the action-reaction, the balance of offense-defense, resulted in the occupying of new challenging power at the vacancies of other power in the pacific region. Since the mid 1970s, the dominance of the naval forces between the two countries has been reversed due to the arrival of detente according to the reconciliation of the U.S. and China, the rising of a reversal atmosphere following the defeat of the Vietnam War, and the construction of the Soviet navy. In the pacific region, such an U.S. defensive strategy gives the Soviet Union a blank of power recognition in the Asia-Pacific ocean. Based on this recognition, the Soviet Union navy has reinforced a naval power. the U.S. navy has converted defensive maritime strategy into offensive maritime strategy(sea strike strategy, sea plan 2000) against the Soviet navy’s challenge. The U.S. navy argued that a naval force of 600-ships would be needed to maintain a balance with the Soviet navy, take maritime control and have military power projection capability through its forward deployment in the peacetime. the U.S. navy has planed a offensive plan the ‘maritime strike strategy’ and the ‘maritime plan 2000’ that denied access to the Soviet navy. In other words, in the pacific region, the mechanism of the physical force of offense and defense in the U.S. and Soviet navy was developed as follows. The Soviet perception of U.S. powerlessness in the Cold War has brought the Soviet Union to the pacific fleet’s increase to defend the crucial maritime sphere in Sea of Okhotsk Sea, and as a result, the U.S. navy has converted defensive maritime strategy into offensive maritime strategy .
  • 5.

    Perceptions and Reactions of China’s Government Running Medias during the period of Manchurian Incident ―Focused on Zhongyangribao―

    Lee Jaeryoung | 2017, (104) | pp.169~210 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This paper is of the comprehensive examination on the articles and the editorials of Zhongyangribao, the party newspaper of Guomindang(People's party) in the Political Tutelage period, in order to clarify the situational recognition and the reactional aspects of China’s government-running media during the period of the Manchurian Incident which was the prelusion of the Sino-Japanese War. With the success of the Northern Expedition, in order to realize the Political Tutelage, Guomindang reformed Zhongyangribao, which was originally the inclination of left, and strengthen the function as its central party newspaper. By the early 1931, this newspaper could not overcome its limit of a party controled media; but the Japanese empire’s invasion of Manchuria provided a turning points to Zhongyangribao as a party newspaper. It started to propagate and expand anti-Japanese policies and dominantly produced and spreaded anti-Japanese strategies. Throughout this process Zhongyangribao rapidly grew both in quantity and in quality, and took up the core of the directly-controlled media. In the early phase of the Manchurian Incident, Zhongyangribao domestically appealed for nationwide solidarity, prepared death for anti-Japanese volition, and criticized the invasion of Japanese empire in fierce wordings. At the same time the newspaper took the bilateral position suppressing the national independent movement of students and youths and asserting the ‘Resistance in Order’ under Guomindang’s supervision and administration. This bilaterality showed the fanciless limit of a government-running media which had to correspond to the anti-Japanese public opinion only within Nanjing government’s resolutions. Internationally, Zhongyangribao took the strategy of squeezing Japanese army’s retreat by the interference of the League of Nations; but there were not enough political·military·diplomatic abilities and efforts of Nanjing government. Yet, the economic severance against Japan turned into a notable success and became a breakthrough for exploding the nation’s resisting energy. Since Zhongyangribao was the central party newspaper, its reports could not diverge from the nonresistant pace and its editorials were lack of practical resolution. Therefore, the influence of government-running media in the process of forming anti-Japanese public opinion was very weak. Rather, the newspaper company got attacked by the public with the critique of distorting and misleading public opinions. Zhongyangribao within the limit as a directly-controlled newspaper asserted the nonviolent long-term resistance, such as the nationwide solidarity, the resistance in order, the diplomatic interference of the League of Nations, the economic severance against Japan, and the national spiritual armament. Although it might be devaluated as a passive action under nonresistance pace, it took an important role for relieving the national critique and resistance against Guomindang’s Japan policies, and for resolving the private medias’ pressure asserting the immediate fighting. Although Guomindang’s nonresistance pace after the Manchurian Incident hurted Nanjing government’s legitimacy, Japanese empire’s constant aggression formulated the format of the anti-Japanese war with Chiang Kai-shek in the core. Such a logic of Zhongyangribao became the strategy for anti-Japanese war not only of government-running media but also of China as a whole, and acted as the foundation for Chiang Kai-shek’s leadership. And then, as the Marco Polo Bridge Incident of 1937 enlarged the Sino-Japanese war into full-scale, the same logic became a key for the solidarity of all domestic groups to fight against Japan.
  • 6.

    The Developments of the Defence's Strategy for both the area of Land and Coast of Chosen Dynasty in the 18thcentury

    Kiin Baek | 2017, (104) | pp.211~249 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    The Defense strategy of Chosen dynasty in the 18thcentury was established by the substantial alternatives that based on historical lessons learned of Im-Jin Japanese Invasion in 1592 and Byung-Ja Manchurian Invasion in 1636. This is composed of coastal defense strategy to cope with southern threats and to do northern one. The core is further extended coastal defense concept than former days and northern defense strategy to respond to Qingdynasty cavalry tactics. This article conclusion is next. First, the origin of defense strategy at the lately Chosen is criticism about Qijigung’s Military Tactics be based on 『Ki Hyo Shin Seo』, to seek countermeasure for its tactics. After the lately 17thcentury, the changes of political situation at the Qing dynasty allowed Chosen dynasty independent military reinforcement, was appeared strange vessel at western coastal area of Chosen, so that countermeasure for capital area defense system was urgent demand. Second, the defense strategy of Chosen dynasty in the 18thcentury extended capital and capital peripheral area, established to integrate dual defense system with whole nation fortress system. Third, declined mountain fortress service, Capital fortress, town fortress, wooden walls became important. In addition, traditional defense against Japan and Qing, these materialized capital area defense against the threat of the western coast be connected with tactical content. But, interaction between land and coast defense did not reach strategic level, yet remain fledgling phase.
  • 7.

    A new understanding of the war situation at the final phase of the Shilla-Dang war

    KyeongJin Yoon | 2017, (104) | pp.251~290 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    The study of this article is the analysis on the several major battles fought between the troops of Shilla and Dang troops, based upon a new suggestion that the war itself was ended in the year of 675 with the battle at the Maecho-seong(買肖城) fortress. At the time, there were two types of battles: battles in which the Dang forces tried to obtain coastal areas for future skirmishes, and battles which were fought along Shilla’s northern borders. Battles at Chiljung-seong(七重城), Maesocheon-seong(買蘇川城), Cheon-seong(泉城) and Seokhyeon-seong(石峴城) fortresses seem to have belonged to the former type, while battles at Adal-seong(阿達城), Jeokmok-seong(赤木城) and Dorim-seong(道臨城) fortresses could be categorized as cases of the latter. In the meantime, the story of the Gibeol-po(伎伐浦) battle seems to have been established as a composite, concocted from the tale of the Wungjin Dodok-bu(熊津都督府) dismantlement, as well as the story of Dang general Seol In-gwi(薛仁貴).
  • 8.

    The Location and position of Mt. Maeup the military point of view during the period of Unification of Three Kingdoms

    Yi Sanghun | 2017, (104) | pp.291~315 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The Chinese Dynasties of Su(隋) and Tang(唐) had invaded Goguryo(高句麗) with the large scale of forces. The dynasties of Su(隋) and Tang(唐) used waterway of the Daedong river(大同江) as a maneuver route. Naehoa(來護兒) of Su dynasty and Sojeongbang(蘇定方) of Tang dynasty led the navy and came into the Daedong river. Naehoa fought against Goguryo army in the area where was located 60ri(里) away from the Pyongyang(平壤). Sojeongbang fought against Goguryo army in the Maeupsan(馬邑山). The place, where Naehoa and Sojeongbang fought against Goguryo army, is going to be same. But its location isn't clear. A research result as the Maeupsan has gone out of the location of the Seohaksan(捿鶴山). This Location is placed in the smallest waterway in the Daedonggang. Su dynasty and Tang dynasty battled with Goguryo army here. The Maeupsan is a important place in the side of Goguryo from the military point of view.
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