The Journal of Northeast Asia Research 2021 KCI Impact Factor : 0.79

Korean | English

pISSN : 2005-4432

http://journal.kci.go.kr/inas
Aims & Scope
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The Journal of North-East Asia Research is an international publication with regional focus. It was established in 1979 to contribute to scholarly publications of theoretical and empirical analyses to explore international relations and regional issues in North-East Asia from various methodologies and approaches. It welcomes submissions from all scholars who are devoted to adding new perspectives and insights in the field of North-East Asian Study.
Editor-in-Chief
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Kim, Mi-Kyung

(Chosun University)

Citation Index
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  • KCI IF(2yr) : 0.79
  • KCI IF(5yr) : 0.54
  • Centrality Index(3yr) : 1.099
  • Immediacy Index : 0.0

Current Issue : 2022, Vol.37, No.2

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  • The Chronicle of Korean Media Discourse with China after the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations

    Joo, Jaewon | 2022, 37(2) | pp.5~49 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    2022 marks the 30th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Korea and China. China is not only geographically close, but has historically influenced in various fields such as politics, diplomacy, national security, and economy, and is a powerful country that can exert substantial influence in relations with North Korea. In particular, it is likely that this relationship will be maintained in the future as it has repidly grown as a hegemonic country that divides the global market with the US. In this context, studying Korea's perception of China by analyzing the Korean media's tendency to report on China after the establishment of diplomatic relations between Korea and China will be meaningful in many aspects. To this end, the editorials of four major daily newspapers which were reported from 1992 to 2020 were analyzed chronologically, and the trend of media changes and discourse on issues. As a result of the analysis, it was possible to identify differences in media perception of China according to the ideological tendencies of the domestic regime, the global situation, and each media's viewpoints, and recognized China as a country that is economically helpful but should be wary of politics, diplomacy, and ideology.
  • Exploring the Trans-Border Cooperation Model of the Tumen River Basin through the Social Solidarity Economy (SSE)

    Sungchan Cho | 2022, 37(2) | pp.51~86 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The Tumen River basin corresponds to the periphery of Northeast Asia. Symbolized as Manchuria, this place has been a place of confrontation since the modernization period. The transition of the Tumen River basin from a confrontation space to a solidarity space is very important not only for Northeast Asia but also for peace and economic prosperity on the Korean Peninsula. The now-suspended Tumen River Basin Development Plan (TRADP, 1991) claimed similar purposes, but they were limited in that they were large projects led by the central government. As an alternative to overcoming existing limitations, this study examined the meaning and possibility of the "Social Solidarity Economy" (SSE), which is emphasized by the UN-SDGs as an action strategy, in cross-border cooperation in the Tumen River basin.
  • Second Image Factors of the Imjin War and Qing’s Invasion of Joseon: Domestic Vulnerability and the External Underbalancing

    Hongseo Park | 2022, 37(2) | pp.87~115 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This paper explains the outbreak of the Imjin War and Qing’s Invasion of Josenon as a result of the underbalancing caused by the elite fragmentation and the internal vulnerability of the regime. Right before the Imjin war period, there was no elite consensus to Japan's threat due to intense partisanship between the Western faction and the East faction. In addition, the internal vulnerability of the Seonjo government, which prioritized blocking internal threats to the regime, led it to take an ineffective underbalancing strategy such as diplomatic mission. Meanwhile, before the Qing’s invasion in 1636, there was a broad consensus on Qing’s rising and its threat to Joseon. However, Injo government failed to carry out conflict prevention strategies such as an active appeasement policy due to its political vulnerability resulted from the pro-Ming China Injo Restoration. In event, these factors led Injo government to take ineffective half measures for preventing Qing’s invasion. In the future, the security policy needs to be sought in the basis of an accurate understanding of reality and rational debate rather than partisanship.
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