KJC Korea
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This study aims to suggest reform recommendations of veterans policy which meet security and economic levels of Korea by comparing Korean policy with those of advanced countries. National security is as important as personal health. If one loses his or her health, he or she will lose everything. If national security collapses, personal economic activities, national status, freedom and happiness of general public can never be guaranteed. For national security, national defense power is important and it can be achieved through strong armies and patriotism. Strong patriotism means that one protects his country at the risk of his life. It occurs when respectable treatments are given to veterans and retired soldiers. However, the budget of our veteran policy is poor. It is no more than 1.7% in comparison with 2.8% of the United States, 5.5% of Australia, and 2.4% of Thailand. Based on our security status, the number of veterans, the history of suffering and budget, administrative organizations and beneficiaries should be expanded. However, as shocks due to sudden expansion of budget is expected, it should be gradual to reach 3%, the levels of advanced countries: 2% within a year or so and 0.1～0.2% within 5 years. The office of veterans should be renamed the ministry of veterans to completely accommodate and manage about eight millions. Then the executive officer should be renamed a minister and veterans committee should be installed for easy budget management. Korea Veterans Committee which contains all the veterans organizations and retired soldiers should be reorganized as democratic. The committee should be a strong center for promotion of reform recommendations targeting political parties and general public. Like the veterans committee of the united states, political activities of members of national assembly should be monitored, recorded and analysed. The members should be divided into favorable and unfavorable, The favorable members should be appointed and the unfavorable members should be defeated in the election to induce care and consideration of political parties and to realize the reform recommendations.

The Goguryeo Jangan Castle is a combined type of castle town, with a fortress and a flatland castle, which first appeared in the mid-sixth century. A few stones of the castle, on which writing was inscribed, were found in Jangan Castle. The writing mentions the start of construction of the castle, construction directions, measurements, and the supervisor's original address, position, and name. The start of construction date, directions, and measurements written on the stones are very helpful in understanding the construction process. This study assumed the construction process of the castle by re-analysing the Gakja Stone Ramparts that were built in the Jangan Castle. It is assumed that castle construction began in 566, Byeongsulnyon, at the latest, and construction of part of the inner castle and the west section of the southern wall of the outer castle in 569, Gichuknyon. The castle wall was not completed until after 586, when Goguryeo decided to transfer the capital, and in 589 construction began on the wall connected to the eastern part of the outer castle. Therefore it took more than 20 years, from 566 to 589, to complete the wall of Jangan Castle.

The International environment that caused the division in the past has now remarkably changed. To Koreans unification is no longer a matter of sentiment; it has become a task to be carried out in the present reality. This paper is aimed at analysing Korea’s unification tax and unification cost. President Lee Myung-bak in a nationally televised speech on Sunday marking the 65th Liberation Day urged South Koreans to prepare for reunification with North Korea. Lee proposed a “three-stage plan” for reunification along with a “unification tax system” aimed at raising money for the costs of integration. "Reunification will happen. It is therefore our duty to start thinking about real and substantive ways to prepare for reunification such as the adoption of a unification tax," Lee said. President Lee Myung-bak’s surprise proposal Sunday for the “unification tax” has sparked a heated debate among politicians, highlighting a wide ideological rift between the liberal and conservative forces as to how to deal with the communist North Korea. We could learn many lessons from Germany's unification. In Germany, the East-West economic disparity was not quite as wide as the North-South gap in Korea. Still, West Germany spent 400 billion Deutschmarks($226 billion as of 1989) before the Berlin Wall fell in 1989 and poured 2 trillion euro($2.55 trillion) between 1990 and 2009 to cover unification costs. The Presidential Council for Future and Vision predicted that $2,140 billion (2,525 trillion won) will be required for the next 30 years to raise the living standards of the 24 million Northerners to the Southern level after an abrupt unification. However, the figures could go down to $322 billion if the nation is unified after the Northern economy is normalized through gradual opening. Defense tax was first adopted in 1975 and funded major defense buildup projects until a 1990-phase out. Value-added tax is another probable specific economists name despite the cautious approach taken by the government. It is now time that we start considering the matter as part of preparations for reunification, which will happen eventually. Time has come to prepare realistic measures in anticipation of the day of unification, such as a unification tax. North Korea’s economy is about 38 times smaller than South Korea’s and 18 times smaller on a per-capita basis. Therefore we need to have national level insurance to secure financial resources to pay for the unification process, not just for the North Korean residents but for ourselves and future generations of Koreans.

Open activities of North Korea’s supreme leader are field supervise(Hyunji-jido), military inspection, watching art performance, and reception of foreign guests. Among these activities, the field supervise, the process of communicating between the leader and the general population, is a useful research area to understand out the problems and the interests, and recognition of the current political status that North Korea is facing. This study aims to understand North Korean supreme leader Kim Jong Il’s political strategy and policy through analysis of the characteristics of Kim’s field supervise. The field supervise is being analyzed on two respects. First is the leadership of Chosun Labor Party at political party level, and the second is the position(influence) of the leader based on ideological term. North Korea has endured severe survival crisis after mid-90s. The country has tried to escape from such crises through so called ‘death march(Konaeui-haenggun)’, and has proclaimed the end of ‘death march’ in 2000 at the 55th anniversaryofthefoundationofNorthKorea. ThispaperanalyzesthepatternsofKim’sfieldsuperviseperiodicallyandondifferentsubjectsforthepasttenyears. The field supervise after year 2000, shows very much related to economic areas such as electricity industries and cooperative farms showing its concentrated focus on primary and agricultural sectors. After all, the North Korea is following ‘instruction economy’ for its citizens(people) in order to expand their productivity, yet its national strategy still remained at ‘shortage economy’ level during this period.

This study analyses the succession of power to Kim Jeong-eun as the power of Kim Il-sung was passed to his son Kim Jeong-il. To analyse the power succession of North Korea, this study focuses on father-to-son succession of power for three generations. In conclusion, it feels unstable for North Korea to have a fast power transfer. The transmission of power to a son making his first debut to the political world implies Kim Jeung-il has a fatal condition or disease. Such intention to transmit power to his son is interpreted as a means to maintain a stable political system and firm control.

In late 2009, China's exports were ranked as first in the world and in the first half of this year, its GDP was ranked second in the world. Therefore, China has achieved the position and role of G2 just behing the United States. As China has successfully developed its coastal waters for 30 years since its Economic Reform in the People's Republic of China, led by Deng Xiaoping, that started in 1978, it has spurred development of the three northeastern Chinese provinces. On November 18, 2009, the government of China designated the Changchun- Jilin-Tumen Development Plan as a national strategic project and ratified it. Analysis of the plan shows that it is very complicated and sensitive in that it cannot help but be related with North Korea, Russia, Mongolia, South Korea, and Japan although its focus is on the northeast provinces of China. However, China, North Korea and Russia are classified as central nations to the development plan, and South Korea, Mongolia, and Japan are included to a lesser extent. The United Nations Development Programme suggested a joint development plan for the Tumen River Basin in 1992, but no special results have been achieved due to international problems such as the poor participation of relevant nations and low investment. Therefore, in considering the past case, the Changchun-Jilin-Tumen Development Plan is very important in respect to its future success and its influence on national and international conditions. What measures South Korea should take in respect to the development plan of China will be a very important issue.

韓李明博總統繼提出“無核、開放、3000”對朝政策後，又於2009年8月15日在光復節64周年紀念致辭中，提出將推進實施“朝鮮半島新和平構想”。這一新構想並非只是緩和當時朝韓緊張關係的一時權宜之策，而是對朝政策之基礎。李明博試圖擺脫金大中的政治框架，建立一個全新的朝鮮半島對話機制，這種政治對話方式試圖營造一種完全由韓國主導的態勢。文章擬對新和平構想提出背景、內容特點、深層用意以及推進前景作一分析。

Audio-visual services and publishing industries that were proposed in the DDA as the center of the field of cultural industries related services agreements are in progress. On the other hand, China's centuries-old cultural heritage suddenly became a cultural industries which was rapidly developing after China joined the WTO from 2001. Aimed at the trend of China's cultural industries, the main developed countries are all making an effort on entering the market of China's cultural industries. Whereas, China's cultural industries related administration managements are the barriers. Therefore, this study through the analysing of the international trade barriers of China's cultural industries to elicit suggestion for entering of Korea's cultural industries to China. Therefor, the study firstly reviews related antecedence researches between Korea、China and other countries. In succession, the concept of international cultural trade was analysed, and the Grubel-Loyd index was used in empirical analysing the evaluating the development of intra-industry trade of US, UK, Italy and France. Meanwhile, in order to analyse the barriers of China's cultural industries, first of all, the study reviews the concept and sort of international trade barriers, and then the study analyses the barriers of examine and approve in advance, printed publications control and import and export control which based on China trivial details administration management.

The rise of China is especially contentious to international politics. It is one of the few remaining non‐democratic regimes that contradict with the current liberal order. This paper, however, argues that from a normative perspective, China’s ascendance should be seen within the historical context of the East Asian region. This historical regional order has implications to the contemporary East Asian regional order especially with the re‐rising of China. In order to illustrate my argument, the paper will discuss norms from a western and East Asian perspective. Based on this discussion, it will find implications to contemporary international relations, particularly during the periods of George Bush II (2000–2008) and Hu Jintao (2002–2012) governments. This paper finds that on the one hand, the US during the Bush II administration has rekindled old and new enemies under the guidance of exporting democracy. On the other hand, China under Hu Jintao’s leadership seemingly has seen less conflict and instead tried to foster more cooperation within the region. It is quite paradoxical the different outcomes that the two leaderships have brought about. Thus, it is time to review the significance of norms to better understand the two different political consequences.