KJC Korea
Journal Central

This paper is aimed at analysing today’s changing security situation in Northeast Asia and ROK’s responsive strategies. For the purpose of that, this paper is to search for international order and Northeast Asia’s military trends, North Korean situation and military threat, and ROK’s responsive strategies in relation to military security etc. In addition to the traditional military threats, the nature of today’s changing security threats can be summed up as being complicated and multifarious due to the increase of transnational and non-military threats. The multifarious threats posed by North Korea’s nuclear development, the cross-strait issue, the territorial disputes and the maritime demarcation line issues in Northeast Asia demonstrate that Asia suffers more from disputes than any other region in the world. North Korea has been concentrating on its asymmetric military capabilities, including WMDs, special forces, long-range artillery, underwater forces and cyber attacks, while selectively increasing its conventional weapons. The basic national goal of North Korea is 'unification of two Korea under communist control, which is unlikely to change as long as the current Kim Jong-il and the Kim Jong-eun regime retains power. Therefore the ROK forces should supplement its military readiness posture in consideration of the present potential conflicts in Northeast Asia, threats from international terrorists, and the diverse and complex threats from North Korea. To effectively prepare for these threats, the ROK military has to equip itself with immediate response capabilities and a readiness posture, while maintaining a close coordination system with the international community. The ROK-U.S. Alliance has steadily evolved in response to changes in the security environment and, over the past 60 years, has contributed to peace and security on the Korean Peninsula and in the Northeast Asian region. The ROK-U.S. Alliance should, based on its shared values and trust, continue to develop into a comprehensive strategic alliance.

To prepare a basis for peaceful unification in the Korean peninsula, it is very important to eliminate heterogeneity and recover homogeneity for exchange and cooperation between North and South Korea. However, problems in the current exchange and cooperation project are presented as follows: First, the project focuses on the guaranty of economic interest by North Korea rather than the joint interest of North and South Korea. Second, the safety of Korean people living in the Gaesung Industrial Complex is worrisome. Third, the tourism industry targeted only Korean people. The optimal place to resolve these problems and to prepare a basis for peaceful unification will be the DMZ. The exchange and cooperation project for the DMZ should be planned as follows: First, the existing Geumgangsan Tourism Project should be expanded into a Geumgangsan-Seolaksan Tourism Project and it should be an international tourism project. Second, when a joint industrial complex for North and South Korea is required, the industrial complex should be located centering on the DMZ because of safety issues for South Koreans. In addition, any conflict between South and North Korea should be mitigated through operational arms control, which limits offensive military power in the surrounding areas. It is not easy for South and North Korea, which have had a confrontational relationship for over a half century, to cooperate in the DMZ, but when they recognize their mutual benefits and promise a guarantee of safety, a basis for peaceful unification can be developed through constructive political and military trust, creation of joint interest, and the 'active' support of neighboring nations.

The collapse of the Soviet Union created a feeling of denial in regards to the totalitarian centralized system in Russian society. Yet the Communist party of the Russian Federation(CPRF), the successor of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union(CPSU) that had occupied the key position in the Soviet party-state system, still has proved themselves capable of competing with other larger parties. In this paper, following questions will be addressed. What makes the Russian Federation Communist Party's organizational survival and popular support? Additionally, is their current political status sustainable? Through an analysis of the 1993 to 2007 electoral process, the Communist party's spectacular resurgence in the mid-90s can be explained by the right turn of Russian leftists based on 'communo-patriotism'. However Putin's advent, the ruling elite, who had been relatively passive to take advantage of some nationalist discourses, positively included nationalism to their governance discourse. The rapid decrease of the Communist party in the early 2000s was derived from their defeat in the nationalist discourse competition with the ruling elite. The Communist party of the Russian Federation has existed as an real opposition party in post-Soviet political system of Russia. In order to survive and build their political influence, the Communist party of the Russian Federation will not only keep a nationalist program, but also reinforce various traditional socialist values.

Debates on China's future and prospects - whether China's future is threatened or still full of opportunities, whether civilizations are clashing or harmonizing, free market, legal democracy, legal governance, good governance, or liberal take on human rights - are diverse and very heated. This paper seeks to analyze whether China's economy, which has developed in a remarkable speed through the China Model, can sustain its development. In doing so, the paper also seeks to ascertain the limits of the China Model. Although China significantly lacks democracy, its hybrid political system is relatively stable. In fact, China's government and its Party is very capable at crisis management, has continued its independent development when there was no model for path dependence after the fall of Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and has maintained control over the political system. China's persistent effort to devise its own development model demonstrates its effort to seek its unique economic development and market economy model in lieu of China's specific conditions and historical context. Thus, to describe what goes on in China, it would be more appropriate to use the China Model theory, rather than Western paradigms such as "modernization" or the Washington Consensus.

After the post-cold war, one of the most important keywords in the international affair is friction between the United states and Emerging China. So this conflicts between two countries affect immigration policy in the pertinent region. Like this, the change of the situation makes the number of North Korean defectors record high. Meanwhile South Korea is becoming multi-cultural society because of the inflow of immigrants. So the policy which can manage the situation of disparity and discrimination is required. This can be socially challenging task but must be manipulated. Therefore to overcome the prejudice and discrimination, precise recognition of the situation and the appropriate direction which must be ‘Combination-oriented’ not ‘Exclusive’ are crucial. In addition, we should make the policy in harmony with Immigration policy for North Korean defector. For this purpose, there are necessities of institutionalization in many field, such as various supports, improvement of service, multi-cultural Education and anti-discrimination policy.

International society is concerned about human rights issues about DPRK. Under the circumstances, it is naturally concluded to intervene in human rights issues against North Korea. Therefore, on this study, it is essential to analyze the recognition and countermeasures of North Korea against the intervention from the international society. In addition, it is also possible to research the effective intervening strategies on improvement of North Korean human rights. There are many kinds of intervention in North Korea's human rights issues, such as UN Resolution on the Situation of Human Rights in the DPRK, North Korean human Right Act of 2004, and 2009 Human Rights Report: Democratic People's Republic of Korea conducted by individual nations-e.g., US, EU, Japan- as well as organizations for human rights. For North Korea, it is hard to improve the matter of human rights without making efforts to reform itself voluntarily. Despite a lot interventions in human rights from international society, the failure of North Korea is caused by the absence of informed consent. Considering this, therefore, to be successful in effective intervening in human rights issues about North Korea, it should be headed to broad the possibility to make real benefits for North Korean authorities by itself. Moreover, it is essential to keep endeavoring for improving and protecting human rights of North Korea.

This study analysed the dependence of the basic economy in North Korea in the first decade of the 2000s and the effects of this dependance. The results had a few implications. First, North Korea has adhered to a planned economic system of socialism only in the northeast area regardless of trends in the world economy, such as the formation of blocks and unification, and has firmly adhered to an independent national economy building policy. Therefore, as the weight and role external trade occupies in economic development was supplementary, the North's dependence on external economic situations is extremely low. This indicates that North Korea's economy, in particular the northeast economy, will not be greatly affected by the external world economy. However, since the second nuclear test in North Korea, American economic restrictions on North Korea have increased. Also as the Lee Government of South Korea has stopped support for North Korea, arguing against a nuclear armed North Korea, its dependence on China has increased. This is based on the recognition that North Korea can depend on China. In particular, the North's dependence on China for strategic goods and support is acute. Second, North Korea has not realized the formation of multi-faceted external trade. It has had trade only with China, South Korea, Japan, Russia, and Thailand. In particular, the North's trade dependence on China and South Korea amounts to between 80 and 90% of its external trade. Because of this, it is anticipated that changes in economic policy towards North Korea by China and South Korea will affect its external economic activities and, will play an important role in the recovery, growth, and development of the internal economy of North Korea. Third, North Korea has depended heavily on China for strategic goods such as steel, crude oil, food, machinery, medical supplies, and daily necessities. This dependance is expected to continue for the forseeable future. Fourth, North Korea risked a collapsing economy in the mid and late 1990s and narrowly avoided collapse through external support. In the 21st century, it has realized its recovery, but it is still dependant on support from international society in order to maintain minimum sustainability. For this, support from South Korea and China is absolutely necessary. In particular, it can be said that China's support for North Korea in food and crude oil decides the life of North Korea. Fifth, in considering that North Korea has been pursuing more reinforced planned economic measures, which are opposite the ‘7.1 Economic Control Measures’ published in 2002, it seems that North Korea is still adhering to a closed policy against innovation and opening. In conclusion, it is difficult for North Korea to execute the internal innovation or external opening necessary to appear as a member of international society, and therefore, its economic dependence will be maintained or intensified. Sixth, in the 21st century, in particular as the Lee Government launched, economic relations between North Korea and China have developed significantly in quality and quantity, and this trend will continue.

NGOs have had an effect on many problems in communities and their influence has been gradually increasing. The issues of national defense and security can not be exceptions for the activities of NGOs and, as we know, a significant number of public organizations are critical to existing governmental policies on national security and defense. With respect to national defense, NGO activities show that they are becoming new components in the environment of national defense. That is, their perspectives and activities, with regard to national defense and security, have worked as major factors in the national and international environment of national defense. In the field of national defense, NGO influence has, in the past, been insignificant because of special conditions of national division in comparison with those conditions in social areas, but recently, there has been a lot of activity with respect to the reinforcement of military power on the issues of: the U.S. Army being in Korea, deaths under suspicious circumstances on military bases, and environmental problems involving the burial of defoliants. Also there have been a variety of counter-movements centering on progressive groups. Therefore, decision-makers in national security and defense have to more actively listen to peoples opinions and apply them to policies in use. For this, the government should reinforce its existing cooperative systems with NGOs, involving national defense, and recognize the social importance and responsibility they have had in our society. NGOs should understand the positions of the government properly from a wide perspective and carefully present political suggestions on national defense within the larger framework of national security and development. A significant number of the people involved with NGOs have high social positions, as leaders of public opinion and intellectual capability. This means that NGOs can have influence and roles similar to leaders of public opinion. Public relations organizations of the government and army should pay as much attention to the activities of NGOs as they have paid to existing mass media or groups of opinion leaders. Favorable relationships with NGOs can be good levers for the formation of favorable public opinion on the activities of the army. In the future, the status of NGOs as an important driving force in Korean society will be reinforced because the expansion of NGOs is happening quickly in Korean society as well as in the world. The army should recognize NGO influence as a trend and begin to form cooperative relationships with NGO organizations. To make NGOs a good partner for the effective management of national defense, the army should make every effort to pay more attention to NGOs.

The rising number of foreign people immigrated has dramatically increased in South Korea year after year. Furthermore, peoplehood concerning various kinds of immigrants could be the significant role to handle the emotional aspects in Korean society as well as in politics. Especially in this point, it could be in trouble that such peoplehood turns to be a primary factor to affect its society. It means that there is some possibilities of appearing another fault line in Korea, which cracks the social communities. In view of long term, in addition, it could be the actor to influence existing and maintaining Korean tradition. There are two images divided into partnership image, and non-partnership image from youth as the P-generation(participation, passion, potential power), or paradigm-shifter. At the same time, this study conduct a research regarding belief and faith about the multiculturalism, changeability of life, cultural interchange, political influence on unification of North and South Korea in future, and understanding of the multi-cultural policies. According to this study, it is proposed that ambivalent attitude toward multi-culturalism could be an obstacle against social harmony and agreement.

This study aims to analyse job satisfaction, organizational immersion and transferring intent of care givers who give care to the elderly people to discover an effective management method of human resources to obtain political suggestions for the management. To achieve the purpose of the study, this study obtained variables through bibliographical studies and examination of previous studies and developed hypotheses and a research model. The results are presented as follows:As a result of analysing influential factors of job satisfaction, it was discovered that role conflict had no significant influence on job satisfaction, but role ambiguity had a very negative influence on job satisfaction. For care givers, role ambiguity rather than role conflicts has negative influence on role ambiguity. As a result of analysing influential factors of organizational immersion, role conflicts had insignificant influence on organizational immersion, but role ambiguity had a negative influence on organizational immersion. Finally, to examine the results of analysing influential factors of transferring intent, the higher role conflicts were, the higher transferring intent was, but role ambiguity had no significant influence on transferring intent.

To find out major factors influencing on the later elderly's subjective well-being senses (positive emotions, negative emotions, living satisfaction), this study analyzed the individual factors(health , finance status, self-esteem) and the social environmental culture factors (social support, leisures, collectivism). For collecting necessary data, the survey was conducted targeting 323 elderly ones over 75 years old from March 7th to May 20, 2011. The survey was conducted in the senior community centers, the senior colleges in public institutions, and free-meal sites located in Damyang-gun, Gokseong-gun, Gurae-gun in Jeollanam-province and the Sunchang-gun in Jeollabuk- province. As the result analyzing the data, the investigators found following facts. First, among the individual factors, the health, the finance status and the self-esteem affected on their positive emotions and life satisfaction. But the health and the self-esteem affected on negative emotions. Second, as the social environmental culture factors, the social support and the leisure participation, and the collectivism influenced on the positive emotions and life satisfaction. But the social support and the leisure participation was shown to have influence on negative emotions. Third, for the relative influence power difference of individual factors and social factors, individual factors as well as social environmental culture factors are also important.

The number of foreigners who come to Korea because of business, study, or marriage with Koreans has rapidly increased. In the early 1990s the majority of foreigners were factory workers came from Southeast Asia. Since then, a huge influx of many foreign brides has been brought about throughout an international marriage with Koreans, In consequence Korean society rapidly goes toward multi-cultural society. Now, it has faced with the new challenges raised in multi-cultural societies. The purpose of this study is to explore what local government should do for realization of multi-cultural society, and the task and roe of the local government for the community adaptation of the multi-cultural families. In this perspective, this paper have dealt with some of the issues of multi-cultural society. First of all, the local government should play a pivotal role in building a local community by establishing the network systems with other local governments. Second, local government should understand clear meaning of multi-culturalism and stop providing paternal programs. Third, local government should make proper local ordinance and reform wrong existing administration systems. The establishing multi-cultural policy community means obviously making linkages with other communities.

Much has been said about the absence of a Chinese school of international theory and the reasons behind it. Many scholars have tackled this issue, trying not only to find the reasons why a Chinese school of international relations has not yet emerged but what possible sources could such a school draw for inspiration. This attempt to paint international relations with “Chinese characteristics“ is part of a wider, familiar phenomenon where China presents itself as an entity whose history and identity is unique and quite different from others, especially the Western powers. In this quest for exclusivity, China claims to be different on a number of issues, none more important than international relations as its rise is viewed with much anxiety and suspicion. This paper will particularly focus on the nowadays well‐known notion of Confucianism which is often used as a catalyst to explain much about China as well as East Asia in general. The second aim of this paper is to define and point out the many problems a Confucianist approach to international relations theories will face. Lastly, this paper questions the very notion of Confucianism being a source of any contemporary insight for international relations theory or practice.