KJC Korea
Journal Central

The object of this study is to compare the concepts of public citizen of South and North Korea, China, and Japan. The comparative analysis of concepts of public citizen could elucidates universality and speciality of modernization in East Asia states which are very different in the regime and developmental process. In Korea, the concepts of public citizen has been absorbed into the concept of citizen through transition and consolidation of democratization. By contrast, the concepts of public citizen in North Korea and Japan have an abundance of use in the legal and institutional aspects. On the one hand, the concept in China has been faced to the challenge of citizen concept caused by laisser faire and economic growth. This study close attention to dynamic interaction between authoritarian states and democratization which made creation and extinction of concepts of public citizen.

China and its spectacular economic rise, its concurrent military modernization is arguably the most important political event in East Asia since the end of the Cold War. Of particular importance is the question of what it means for the United States. Will China be a benign or adversarial power? Will China challenge the United States in the near or long-term future? How do the nations of Asia feel about the potential for China to be the next hegemon?This paper seeks to examine relationships of changing U.S-China and their implications on Northeast Asian Politics. And this paper shows several aspects of alliance politics embedded in South-North Korean politics and great power politics between the United States and China in Northeast Asia. My point is that the Sino-American relationship will have heavily influenced South-North Korean politics, but its impact on South and North Korea will be very different.

The purpose of this research is to seek a practical alternative for the establishment of the peace regime in the Korean peninsular and Northeast Asia. Given the current situation that the security conflict in the Korean peninsular has been gradually increased and the strategic rivalry in East Asia has been visualized, it would be appropriate to suggest the establishment of the peace regime in the Korean peninsular and Northeast Asia. This paper defines the 'regime' as a frame for the regional order which manages state of war, negative peace and unstable peace, and the 'security regime' as an institutional frame for the achievement and maintenance of the status of Paix Perpetuelle, positive peace and stable peace. Further, this paper suggests that it is more realistic to lay the foundation for the high level institutions such as the security community or the multilateral peace community by establishing a low level institution such as the security regime rather than pursue a direct implementation of the security community. In this regard, this paper maintains that the security regime for Northeast Asia should be a 'Concert regime' which is a democratic-peace Concert, not a Concert of great powers. Therefore, it is conclusive that the Concert of Northeast Asia which is evolved from the Six Party-Talks should be developed as a peace process for the Greater East Asia in conjunction with the Arc of Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zones.

The purpose of this study is to explore the situation and process of manifesto movement in the 19th National Assembly election, and to examine its result, problems, and improvement direction in dimension of policy supplier and consumer. As a research result, in this elections, the manifesto movement for policy-centered election is developed very gradually in comparison with a series of recently elections, but also its many problems revealed. First of all, regardless of intra-democratization of political parties, changes of political party alignment and politicians' position at the time of election were the core factor to obstruct policy development and policy-based election, and parties and candidates' will and attitude for policy-centered election also need to be more improving. As a consumer of policy, voters and ordinary citizens also need to promote participative consciousness and attitude into the manifesto movement. The manifesto movement itself must be improving and realigning its present ways and strategies fitting into fundamental purpose. In conclusion, for the settlement of manifesto and policy-centered election, perception and attitude of electoral actors, namely political parties, candidates, and voters who directly recognize and practice it, is important, not the structural limits and methodological problems. And also it needs continuous concerns and active participation in the dimension of policy supplier and consumer of electoral process.

The paper explores how the neutralization and unification policies have been historically implemented and also how the correlation between neutralization and unification is linked to internal, external, and functional aspects during these processes. Furthermore, this paper tried to solve the problem by dividing buffer condition required for the unification of the Korean peninsula into two parts. First part constitutes creating a peace system needed for transferring the Six Party Talks into a multilateral security organization and building neutralization platform. The second part constitutes building neutralization platform by forming an economic and security community. North Korean's goal will bring tension not only in the Korean peninsula but also in the East Asia security. The reason behind this is that, since North Korea carries out all its foreign policies with the basis on the maintenance of its regime which includes succession, if such issues do not proceed as intended in the South Korea-U.S. relationship. possibility is high that a foreign negotiation condition will be made along with interior solidarity in an intense environment. Therefore, application of neutralization which explores not only political measures that can solve this, but also foundation for ultimate unification, is a practical plan that provides the first step for nuclear negotiations and can positively apply in future peace regime of the peninsula.

One of the key issues in the comtemporary Chinese politics is the changes in the Chinese political system after China's Reform and Opening. This paper investigates the process and the key contents and features of Chinese political system after China's Reform and Opening. Based on this investigation, this paper examines the directions of future political reform in China by reviewing the relevant studies have conducted in South Korea as well as the ample recent discussions that on this issue in China The reform of Chinese political system is distinguished by the fact that it is a top-down reform which is led by the communist party. The key purpose of the reform, therefore, is to maintain and improve the socialist political system under the leadership of the Communist Party of China. The changes of political system in China up to the present suggest that we need to pay a close attention to the short term reform that responds to the radical social changes as well as to the mid- and long-term reform that aims to answer to the challenges and resistance from the society to the current party-state system.

In recent years, China has often behaviored assertively or offensively in international politics. this study presents that China's assertive foreign policy has been influenced by its national development strategy and Chinese leadership's perceptions of national security threats which have been shaped by the growth of China's national power. Moreover, the author prospects that China's security and defense policy may be more offensive in Xi Jinpin era by analyzing the new possible members, of China's Central Military Committee, which have reflected national security and military strategy.

This paper focuses on the development status and characteristics of China Political Science since the "reform and opening - up policy" and explores the main problems that currently faced by the Chinese Political Science. From the results of the analysis, we can know China Political Science has got a remarkable development under the limited political environment. But there are some inevitable problems, which most serious problem is "paying more attention to the politicized Academic than the political realities". How to overcome the "tension" between the "Characteristic of political science" and "ideology" is the biggest challenge to the China Political Science circles. Therefore, to improve the political environment and to promote the academic discussion atmosphere are the key factors for the sustainable development of future political science.

From the late 18th century, Japanese intellectuals began to use the concept of war replacing the ole usage of "ikusa" or "tadakai":the concept of war implied a conflict among the countries whereas "ikusa" or "tadakai" referred to the military clashes among the feudal lords. Under the concept of war, Japanese policy makers and intelletuals perceived the patent threat from Russia or Qing durng the pre-modern age. In response to the threat, they urged the necessity of building naval forces or fortifying the maritime defense system. When the era of the Meiji Restoration began in the late 1860s, Japanese policy makers continuously shared the perception of threat from Russia. In response to it, they proposed a conquest of Chosun as well as the rapidn modernization under the slogan of the rich nation and the strong army. The advent of new phenomenons requires a new concept which depict the phenomenons. New concept bring forth a new policy. We can find that the concept of "war" in the modern Japan was not exceptional in this case.

Clientelism has survived, adapted, and emerged with new image in modernizing world. As government role has greatly increased in national economy, ruling party has had more advantage in clientelist political competition. Among politics scholars, such new condition has raised a hypothesis which argues more popularity of clientelism leads to more popularity of coalition government, but rather than debating whether clientelism really determines the popularity of coalition, it is more fruitful and interesting to question when and how inflated popularity of clientelism leads to coalition government. This article tries to explain this issue theoretically based on the case of 2004 and 2008 Mongolia's State Great Khural elections(Mongolia's parliamentary election). The finding of this research suggests that whether higher popularity of clientelism leads to more popularity of coalition government is conditional. It could occur when public resource centered clientelist exchange determines winner and loser in political competition.