Since the end of the Cold War, the peace framework that could ameliorate the impact of security dilemma in the northeast Asia has not emerged, yet. A realist approach could not cope with the rising China and is creating a bigger security dilemma in this region. A liberalist approach also seems ineffective because conflicts among states like territorial disputes are surging in this region despite the increase of economic mutual dependence. Against this backdrop, multilateral security co-operation is emerging as a viable solution to these problems.
This article analyzes the feasibility of multilateral security co-operation in the northeast Asia and explores the path to this framework. Of course, there are many difficulties in developing this framework. Especially, most sovereign states are reluctant to yield their rights of decision in the realm of security policy to multilateral co-operation system. But this article argues that because of uncertainties of their future China and US become to accommodate the idea of multilateral co-operation in this region. Another difficulty is the reliance of northeast Asian states on the military alliance with US. Bilateral military alliances may collide with the multilateral framework. But in northeast Asia eliminating bilateral alliances is not a realistic solution. So, this article argues that it is necessary to find out the way which can strike the balance between bilateral alliances and multilateral co-operation.
In the conclusion, this article emphasizes the importance of civil society co-operation which could contribute to the construction of the epistemic community.
The reorganization of military command structure has repeatedly failed despite numerous trials. The general reason is that the response to the resistance by the military and political factions during the process of implementation has not been effective.
Considering resistance from the military and the political factions as a core obstacle to the reorganization scheme, perhaps it was Park Jung-Hee’s administration that had faced the most favorable circumstances for demonstrating the reorganization. Park's administration had a firm influence over political parties and the military during the late periods of the third Republic, during which the administration promoted the plan of reorganizing military command structure. Nonetheless, the plan set out by Park’s administration ended in failure.
In this research, we reviewed Park administration’s reorganization of military command structure and its failure. While launching the reorganization, we have encountered such environmental changes in both politics and security, and how it affected to the outcome of reorganization. Through this, we can assert that an implausible hindrance in the reorganization being attributed to environmental changes in political and security but to the characteristics of reorganizing process of military command structure such as the resistance by the military and political factions. On the basis of this analysis, we have reached the current conclusion.
This paper is to identify the roles of countries in the process of promoting human security and to draw implications for the inter-Korean relations. There is a clear distinction of traditional national security and new human security in purposes, concerns, actors, and ways. For reconstructing inter-Korean relations, alternative approach based on the theory of human security needs to be applied to the Korean Peninsula. The problem is the reality. First, it is necessary to form advantages, create conditions and promote roles between the South and North to reconstruct inter-Korean relations by human security approach. And then, it is appropriate to progressively access to the proper fields after establishing and sharing the vision of promoting the inter-Korea relations based on the theory of human security. The roles of countries including South and North Korea, together with non-governmental organizations, are not only just to survive but also to change their status and roles into the ways to promote human security.
On February 2008, Lee Myungbak government revealed ‘the Denuclearization· Openness· 3,000 Initiative’ to enhance the North Korean economy by persuading North Korea to open up by surrendering its nuclear weapons and collaborate to ensure that the North Korean people find happiness. The initiative favorably envisions increasing the North Korean GNI per capita to 3,000 dollars in ten years. In fact, The Initiative is the starting point of the Lee Myungbak government’s North Korea policy, added a creative pragmatism to achieve new goals and voiced his opinion on North Korea’s human rights issues. Looking back, Lee Myungbak government could not warrantee to get the soluble outcome of initiative’s goal, leaving as the initiative’s controversial out of massive aid to North Korea, in the name of the ‘Productive & Creative Pragmatism’: in realty, the initiative has not reach to effectuate change in North Korea. The Lee government neglects the discussion on the communication issue with the North during his presidency and struck the national coexistence deal without any sort of social consensus and examination on the ways, created an heavy diplomatic burden to the next government.
This study is to explore into a security ideology of a future reunified Korea by analyzing a few of security theories in International Politics. Despite its devastating war and division into two parts, South Korea has succeeded both in economic development and its democratization over a relatively short period, drawing a lot of praise from the world. However, it has stopped short of achieving its overdue reunification while watching other divided countries like Germany overcome its difficult reconciliation process and move towards one unified nation. Given such devastating Korean war, the long division into two antagonistic entities and the strategic concerns of neighbouring countries with a reunified big Korea, Korea needs to develop more than a narrow ethnocentric reunification theory. If anything, a future korea should prepare a more universal value-oriented ideology like a Hong-ik Ideology, or a korean traditional ideology emphasizing the realization of all the benefits to all the human beings on the earth. Though tentative yet, this study suggests to encompass such humanistic universal values as a world security theory into its security ideology for a reunified Korea.
This research analyzes the effect of changes in US security strategies upon ROK-US military relations with a focus on case studies from the history of Korean military command structure reformations. For the Korean military, which is anchored to the ROK-US Combined Defense System, shifts in the US military strategy toward South Korea have instigated the issue of the Korean military reformation and exercised direct and indirect influence in the course of its institutionalization. For example, in the case of Roh Tae Woo administration’s 8·18 plans, the US’ post-Cold War military roadmap including partial withdrawal of the US military stationed in Korea, enlargement of Korean military’s role and adjustment of command relations, has shaped the direction of the reformation. Similarly, military structure reformations under Roh Moo Hyun administration’s ‘Military Reform 2020’ were carried on within the context of the US’ changing security strategies, which were calling for a greater role for the Korean military by the rearrangement of American bases stationed abroad and partial withdrawal of the US troops in Korea. In line with the previous cases, reformation of upper command structure under Lee Myung Bak administration’s ‘Military Reform 307’ has received its momentum as operational principles of the US military evolved, bringing Wartime Operational Control (OCA) issue to the discussion table. In conclusion, there is a strong causal relation between shifts in US military strategies and Korea’s military structural reformation trend.
The economic cooperation of the South & North Korea has been reducing since 2007, but the economic cooperation with China is rather showing the aspect of vitalization. It is developing up to the level of 'mutual development, mutual management' like starting construction of the 2010 'Hwanggeumpyung-Wihado Economic Special District' in side of the quality. We would like to analyze and check why China expands․strengthens the economic cooperation with North Korea even if it causes the tension with other nations, along with focusing toward the ripple effect and implication that the economic cooperation of China․North Korea brings to the regional structure of Northeast Asia and cooperation of China․South Korea. This thesis has confirmed that the vitalizations of China․North Korea economic cooperation may apply both as a threat and an opportunity to South Korea after observing the cause-and-effect relationship among nations which interact within regional structure of Northeast Asia while having the Complex Systems Theory as theoretical background and analysis framework. We have come into conclusion that cooperation of China․South Korea will bring about the 'synergy effect' which is '1+1>2' instead of '1+1=2' and the strategical thinking from China and South Korea for the peace and growth of the Northeast Asia is absolutely necessary.
The purpose of this paper is to evaluate and predict U.S.-China relations on energy issues, which remains a contentious issue between the two states as they strive for global leadership. Over the next ten to twenty years, conflict and competition on energy between the United States and China will be fierce because of structural limitations. As yet though, it is still not easy to determine whether the assertive energy security policies and subsequent aggressive efforts for securing energy resources of the two countries will lead to a zero sum game. This is due to the fact that U.S.-China relations have the potential for compromise and cooperation as well as competition and confrontation. The United States and China share common interests in maintaining a reasonable price of oil, securing sea lines of communication, and a stable international political and economic environment. Moreover, the two countries can strengthen the strategic framework on new energy development.
Meanwhile, the international community should maintain cooperation with China rather than consider its aggressive energy diplomacy as a strategic challenge. Furthermore, in order to prevent confrontations over energy issues, the international community should also engage China so that it could embrace the norms of the international community. In this way, the ongoing energy competition between the United States and China will eventually allow for a new form of strategic cooperation between the two countries.
The purpose of this study was to examine the background of the collective dwelling of Japanese residents in Dongbu Ichon-dong and the process of their settlement in this area in an effort to shed light on the diasporic characteristics of Japanese residents in Korea, as there was a rapid increase in the number of Japanese residents in Korea since the normalization of Korea-Japan diplomatic relations in 1965.
Therefore it's meant in this study to analyze existing literature to look into studies of Japanese residents in Korea, which were implemented in and outside our country, and an in-depth interview was held over the selected Japanese residents in Korea to determine their diasporic characteristics.
As a result of having an in-depth interview with the selected Japanese residents in Korea to determine their diasporic characteristics, it's found that they just built a Japan-oriented community which wasn't linked to Korean society due to their fear for possible anti-Japanese sentiment among Korean people, ignorance of the history of Korea and Japan, and misunderstanding of or prejudice against Korean culture. In conclusion, the findings of the study suggest that Japanese residents in Korea should try to have a correct understanding of Korean culture and accelerate their own exchange with Korean people to get rid of their closed, isolated diasporic characteristics.
This paper’s purpose is focused on two points. One is to suggest Russia’s policies on gas pipe line in Central Asia-Caspian region. Beside Russian government, another actors’ behaviors like the government of Turkmenistan and Russian companies toward goals on gas program is also explained. From this analysis, it is pointed that each actors are acting with same pattern in the similar reality though their aims are different. The will of Russian government and Russian national company, Gazprom’s aim is not always same in the meaning of their strategy and value. The other purpose of this paper is to point out the problems of Russia’s long term strategies on energy under the conditions of the general situation of Russia’s foreign investment on energy. Supporting the Russian energy companies’ expansion became the primary motivation of Russian foreign policy toward Central Europe. While aspirations are constant, their success depends on the receptiveness of the host government. Socialist government of Poland and Hungary and populist governments of Slovakia tend to be more welcoming toward Russian expansion attempts than conservative governments of their countries. Moscow scored many more victories during times when the former were in power than during the latter. From Russian case, it is available that Russia as a regional great power and a energy power in Europe is very hardly to access to new investment market, as the experience for market entrance in Central Europe.