KJC Korea
Journal Central

The aim of this study is to analyze and compare the impact of power structure on party politics and regime change in the political process: Focusing on main political parties in Korea and the UK for 18 years from 1979 to 1997. In addition, this study examined how the president under the presidential system and the prime minister of the parliamentary system exerted enormous power, whether the single-term system for the presidency of Korea as power structure was efficient and appropriate and how regime change carried out by the opposing parties in Korea and in the UK. For this purpose, the study employed institutional aspect (presidential system and parliamentary system) as key variables with leadership (power pursuit) and political culture (regionalism) as subsidiary variables in order to apply them in a mutually integrated method. As a result of examination, the impact of power structure of Korea and the UK on party politics and regime change is as follows. The president and the prime minister in both countries kept characteristics of power structure and reproduced regime with strong desire of power through the utilization of the ruling party and incapacitation strategy against the opposing parties. To the contrary, the opposing parties tried to seize the opportunity from mistake and maladministration of the ruling party. In this process, regionalism played a role in popular sentiment in case of Korea. As for the UK, the image of left and right parties was changed to the moderate catchall party which prompted a momentum to win the election.

On September 9, 2016, North Korea conducted their fifth nuclear test signaling nearly successful completion of their nuclear weapons program. This imposition is a life and death situation for South Korea due to the opposing position with North Korea who is directly acrossed the Demilitarization Zone. In order to overcome this security threat, what military strategy does South Korea need to develop? Based on this questions a study has been conducted to answer the concern. The methodology for resolving the question produced numerous propositions: First, what military strategy is needed and what elements should be included? Second, which elements of the military strategy produce and impact on the decisions? Third, based on the current North Korean nuclear aggression, what kind of military strategy should South Korea choose? Forth, once chosen, what are the implementation plans for success? These four propositions were studied thoroughly. As mentioned above, in order to overcome this security threat, how can South Korea plan a military strategy. The choice of the best military strategy alternative that South Korea can choose from has reached the conclusion of the offensive strategy and Alliance deterrence strategy.

The present study is aimed to present a plan to improve the military strategy of South Korean military in preparation for a new type of North Korea's provocation against South Korea as North Korea has been armed with nuclear weapons. Under the consecutive sanction and pressure of the international community, North Korean Kim Jeong-un regime has proceeded nuclear tests 5 times to downsize and standardize nuclear weapons, and increase the holdings of nuclear materials, which is needed to advance the capacity of nuclear weapons, diversifying the deliveries of nuclear weapons such as various types of missiles, SLBM test launching, and nuclear submarine. In addition, the regime declared last year to be a nuclear power at the 7th Party Congress and adopted “Policy Line Paralleling Nuclear Force and Economy" as permanent strategy and took its status of nuclear power as fact. When analyzing the series of these moves by North Korea, it is expected that Kim Jeong-un regime will never give up nuclear weapons and rather reinforce nuclear military strategy to take advantage of more actively as means of provocation against South Korea. Accordingly, we have to develop a military strategy in preparation for a new type of North Korea's provocation against South Korea as North Korea has been armed with nuclear weapons. This study found out that it is highly likely that the North Korean regime led by Kim Jeong-un starts a limited war, focusing on strong local provocation with conventional weaponry while maintaining the Balance of terror of mutually assured destruction (MAD) by arming itself with nuclear weapons. Therefore, plans to develop our military strategy can be presented as follows, First, it is 'Offensive Rejective Deterrence Strategy' that aims to remove nuclear weapons and nullify the use in advance in the peacetime and when North Korean's use of nuclear weapon is detected. Second, it is 'The Strategy of Quickly Securing Strategic Goal' in preparation for limited wars of local provocation that Kim Jeong-un regime, holding nuclear weapons, is expected to attempt to accomplish its political and military goals.

This study presented a field of ‘excellent talents for future unification’ through the analysis of education supporting program which helps defectors from North Korea. ‘Talented young defectors’ are defined as young people who have social and friendship formation, basic education and general education in preparation for higher education. This study operated Focus Group Interviews for related directors of personnel and analyzed the detail programs’ problems. Based on the results of the analysis, suggestions of improving the education program for the talented defectors’ training are as follows: First, the election policy of program object should be improved. Second is the establishment of a public-private partnership network and regional cooperation. The construction of cooperation networks and regional partnership, such as local unification education training centers, unification education committees & associations, and local adaptation education centers will be useful. Third is the search for talented young defectors’ excellent cases. This requires excellent cases to be selected from divergent programs which are under operation, and it suggests development directions for local education programs and induce positive activities.

Chinese government has been trying to practically separate government functions from enterprise management, and has been carried out the reforms of corporatization of State Owned Enterprises. Despite all these efforts, there are serious difficulties including excessively high Share-holding Ratio of Chinese government, different types of power to control Chinese State Owned Enterprises, and the features of bureaucracy surrounding the appointments of senior managers in Chinese State Owned Enterprises. In the Corporate governance structure of Chinese State Owned Enterprises, the Communist Party Committee organization has been playing the most important role, and it is always first and foremost. Chinese government has already succeeded in working out some ground rules explaining the way how the Communist Party Committee organization lead an entire SOE and senior managers operate a SOE on a daily basis, and has been thinking that these ground rules are the unflappable discipline. As the results of the case studies of SAIC Motor and FAW showed, if it is necessary to have ultimate and actual control over Chinese SOEs in certain industries, Chinese government has been trying to retain the large equity stake. The results of the case studies of FAW and SAIC Motor demonstrated that there have been three different types of influences from the Communist Party Committee organization, management team and the board of directors in the governance structures of SOEs, considering there exist the powerful influences of Chinese government, government ministries and the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission, it can be one of the appropriate and reasonable choices to double as the Secretary of Party Committee and Chairman of the Board.

This research examines the importance of the change and continuity of Chinese Confucian thought, focusing on its soft power strategies. It posits that, to accurately understand Chinese domestic and foreign policies, we will have to carefully examine Confucian thought and its influence on Chinese history. Thoroughly understanding Chinese culture, political philosophies, and foreign policies based on Confucian ideas throughout its history helps us comprehend how domestic and foreign policies have been made and adjusted in China. Domestically, decision-makers in China try to strengthen its political cohesion and stabilize its internal order based on Confucian ideals of harmony and stability. Internationally, arguing from the Confucian position of harmony and decency, Chinese policymakers have tried to dispel worries of the China threat and argue that Chinese foreign policies are inclusive not exclusive in nature with other states in the international society.

The purpose of this study is to investigate empirically the impact of university support on entrepreneurial intention. self-efficacy and risk tolerance of university students in China. In this research the university support is conceptualized as three dimensional construct: business development support, concept development, education development. The questionnaire survey was administered to graduates in Chinese universities. The results showed that first, university support has a positive relationship to the mentoring. Second, mentoring also has a positive effect on the entrepreneurial intention,risk tolerance and self-efficacy. Third, mentoring mediates the relationship between university support and entrepreneurial intention. self-efficacy, risk tolerance. Finally, some practical recommendations for developing university support, formal mentoring and entrepreneurial intention for the graduates who want to create business are suggested.

This study investigated the effect of emotional intelligence of employees on their job satisfaction and affective commitment. The moderating role of positive and negative affectivity at work was also analyzed in the relationships between them. Based on analysis of questionnaire survey obtained from 179 company employees, it was found that positive relationship between emotional intelligence and job satisfaction, and affective commitment. The moderating role of positive affectivity in the relationships between emotional intelligence and job satisfaction, affective commitment was not found, but negative affectivity moderated the relationships between emotional intelligence and job satisfaction, affective commitment such that the relationship was weaker in the employees with high negative affectivity. Finally, some practical recommendations for increasing emotional intelligence and decreasing negative affectivity of employees in organizations were suggested.