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There has been a lot of criticism and complementary discussions on Fairbanks' tribute system. This paper emphasizes that it is important to review the academic background, methodological characteristics and Chinese experience of Fairbank, as well as deepening the research results so far. It seems that while being convinced of the supremacy of Western culture, he served for real-political need from the U.S. by adding another view of Sino-centrism in East Asia, In the wake of the rise of China, the hegemonic competition between the U.S. and China has heated up, and the debate about the so called neo-tributary order has been raised that China tries to rebuild the tribute system of the past. It is worthwhile to note that in this process, China is viewed from the American perspective, and the Fairbank-based epistemology of Sino-centric East Asian order is strongly intervened. Korea is said to be historically the most exemplary tributary state of Chins, but in reality it has an alliance with the United States. Under such circumstances, it seems that the risk of the U.S. and Sino-centric historical perception operating as a dual centrifugal force to incorporate Korea into their own powers cannot be ruled out. East Asian history has experienced many momenta and dynamics that cannot be simply reduced to a binary relationship between China and its neighbors. In order to restore the pluralistic characteristics of East Asian history and to understand the political context of the Fairbank's theory, it is necessary to have a balanced understanding of the Sino-centric tribute system by Fairbank and the sense of problem to read its current meaning.

This article describes the cultural factor that integrates China with framework of collective knowledge, which was proposed by constructivist Alexander Wendt. Collective knowledge is more than common knowledge and creates macro-structural pattern of actor’s behavior as time goes by. In China, Zou dynasty established the Heaven thought, which authorized the rule of Heaven’s son in political community. The collective knowledge of Middle Kingdom and Chinese nationalism not only integrates China as one political community but also expand its imperial territory. The commonly shared belief that surrounding barbarians has entitled to rule middle kingdom even by military conquer was inherited to generations, which made constitutive effects throughout Chinese history. The collective knowledge of Middle Kingdom and Chinese nationalism do not exist any more in Modern China. Belt & Road Initiative was proposed in 2013. It is embodied in conceptualization of a community of common destiny, and the four basic norms of Chinese surrounding foreign policy as friendship(親), faithfulness(誠), benefits(惠), and tolerance(容). The approach reminds us of ancient Chinese imperialism and a newly adjusted common knowledge, which Chinese state wants to create in current history.

This study is about the naval evacuation plan from the northern islands on the west coast during the Korean War; named Operation PANDORA. As a result of a truce talk agreement regarding the status of inshore islands in early 1952, the UN forces were obliged to withdraw from the friendly held islands on the western and northern side of the Hwanghae and Kyong-gi Provincial line except for five islands; namely, Paengyong-do, Techong-do, Sochong-do, Yonpyong-do and U-do. Therefore, from early June 1953, the withdrawal of the UN forces, civilians and their materials from the nineteen outer islands had to be started under the overall command of the Royal Navy. The study of Operation PANDORA is very important not only because of its symbolic meaning as the last large-scale naval operation conducted during the Korean war, but also due to the fact that it was the formal execution of a truce talk agreement. However, the academic discourse regarding this topic has been largely dominated by the issue of the characteristic of the Northern Limit Line, thus, the study of Operation PANDORA itself has been poorly documented. The purpose of this study is to introduce the process of the UN forces' naval evacuation plan in the west, which have been largely neglected regardless of their actual value. For this purpose, this thesis examines the whole process of this operation largely based on the Royal Navy's operational records which have been rarely used for the Korean War studies.

This research deals with the voluntary effort of the R.O.K Air Force to increase its airpower during the Korean War. The major policy of the Korean government for building its airpower since its establishment in 1948 was "cultivating human resources first, procuring aircraft next". The Korean government asked U.S.A. a series of military aids after having obtained human resources and organizations through the establishment of the Army Aviational Academy(later Air Force Academy) and the R.O.K. Air Force in 1949. However, the Korean government first had to procure ten AT-6 aircraft through a national fundraising movement between 1949 and 1950 in order to train airmen properly. With the outbreak of the Korean War, the strengthening of airpower became an urgent business. Poor training of aircrew increased the rate of aircraft losses, and the increased loss of aircraft in turn worsened the condition of training of aircrews. Under such circumstances, the Korean government, most notably its Air Force, again resorted to a national fundraising movement for the procurement of aircraft. The movement lasted from July 1951 to April 1952 was not successful in bearing fruit in substantially increasing its airpower as it failed to meet the target. Nevertheless, it played a significant role in the Korean history of airpower during the war. The movement was quite enough to demonstrate to the American officials the Korean determination to strengthen their airpower. Furthermore it assumed a crucial role in drawing up the "Three Year Plan of Korean Air Force", a blueprint for its further strengthening of airpower. Above all, the movement fully demonstrated the Korean voluntary effort to arm their militaries without solely resorting to the American aid.

In this paper, I examined the representations of real people in existing feature films of colonial Joseon. The films, released in the early 1940s have something in common in that they reveal the keynote of the colonial power policy. First, two children's films, <Tuition>(1940) and <Homeless Angel>(1941) are based on true stories written about the real experience by a fourth-grade student of an elementary school, Woo Soo-young, and a social worker, a people Bang Soo-won pastor. In doing this, the films reflect policies of the colonial education and the children which embodied a dominant ideology representing the reconciliation between Japan and Joseon(naseonyounghwa) and the subjecting to Japan imperialism. Next, in the <A Volunteer>(1941) which is a propaganda film for supporting the army special volunteer system(1938), Ito Hirobumi, the first Resident-General of Joseon and Minami Jiro, the current Governor General of Joseon appear through the portraits and documentary clips in the real and imagination of the main character. Then, factual images of Japanese rulers who represent the past and the present each, emphasize the necessity of introducing the volunteer system and the justice of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity. In the case of <You and Me>(1941), it was a Japanese language film produced from the press section of Japanese Joseon Army. In the middle of the film, Minami Jiro, a Governor General of Joseon and Itagaki Seisiro, the commander of the Japanese Joseon Army appear. Moreover, the scene of Lee In-suk who was the first Joseon volunteer soldier died in battle, is displayed at the beginning of the film. By heroizing his actions, the film presents an exemplary case of the Joseon volunteer soldiers.

This paper examined the structure and logic of North Korea's discourse related to customs through the Cold War as a culture, establishment of social order in Cold War, and the division of nationalism of sentiments(passions). The censorship and crackdown of customs are closely related to the process of forming the ‘subjectivity’ of North Koreans by the medium of the areas of everyday life and culture with the aim of ‘modernization’ and ‘socialist man’, in a huge movement of North Korea’s nation and system formation. The process of ‘modernization’ embeded the ambivalent attitude of ‘capitalism’ represented by Western culture, and it appeared on the one hand as the desire for material modernization, but on the other hand as the political one concerning the loss of inherent ethnic sentiments, aesthetics, spirit or soul. And this ‘mechanics of subjectivation’ of customs censorship and crackdown was to use the legacy of colonial and Japanese colonial fascism as a modified form, and it was the mixed formation process of governmental technology connected with the unique cultural Cold War and nationalism relating ‘degenerate/disruption’ symbolically with American imperialism and South Korea, at the same time, including the socialist modernization ideology that formed a new human form.

This manuscript aimed at finding and analyzing contents of Jeju shown on the formality literature of North Korea. To examine perception of North Korea toward Jeju, there is a method to confirm by having a talk with people at various classes of North Korea (social survey method), and this is also a method to confirm indirectly through their formality literature (content analysis method). In addition, we can also confirm partially through interview with North Korean defectors who emigrated from North to South Korea. Of the foregoing, this manuscript used analysis through interpretation of formality literature which is practically and physically possible. It is a method that analyzes Rodong Shinmun newspaper and literature on the ruler. Although the fact that Jeju is an island with beautiful natural landscape is obvious to North Korea, the perception as a persecuted land and ‘island of resistance’ where the damage of 4.3 (April 3) is deeply engraved is considered very strong. And Jeju Island is also evaluated to be imaged by ‘repression and tyranny’ of Syngman Rhee government and as a symbol of discriminated area. However, it is not too much to say that there almost no mention about Jeju Island until 60~80s after incident immediately after liberation was put on the Rodong Shinmun newspaper. This is caused by very few quantitatively as the space of Rodong Shinmun newspaper was merely 6 pages. Articles were put on page 5 (page 6 recently) which was mainly used for the South, but such articles were not even published at all when there was a big event inside North Korea. Entering 90s, however, 50th and 70th anniversary of Jejy 4.3 is considered one of the reasons for reincreasing trend of articles. And it was also confirmed that articles on Jeju 4.3 were not published during the period of brisk exchange with shuttling of Jeju Island visiting group in the 2000s.

South Korea and North Korea signed the Armistice Agreement for the Korean War's truce and set up a demilitarized zone (DMZ) to prevent conflicts and surprises in 1953. However, under the division structure, the DMZ was heavily armed unlike its original purpose, and 876 cases of major violations of armistice agreements (military conflicts) caused serious human and material damage. Both sides' military clashes in the DMZ have worsened mutual distrust and conflict, hampering inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation. Therefore, it is urgent to find a neo-functionalist approach to transform the DMZ into a peaceful space, so that the South and the North Korea can build sustainable peace. Nevertheless, most of the previous researches on the DMZ have not identified the crucial conditions of the peaceful use of the DMZ, and have not proposed a solution for building sustainable peace. It has been focused on how to use the DMZ peacefully without discussing some fundamentals of problem solving. At the same time, there has been a tendency to focus on economic benefits, the mitigation of military tensions, the conservation of ecological resources and ecotourism by utilizing the DMZ's geopolitical advantages and resources. The purpose of this study is to propose a neo-functionalist approach as a method for peaceful use of DMZ considering the problems raised above. This is because political and military problems reproduced and strengthened mutual hostility between the two Koreas and acted as an obstacle to the establishment of a peace regime on the Korean peninsula. Especially recent demolition and GP explosion in the DMZ can be a meaningful example supporting the neo-functionalist approach.

The purpose of this study is to analyze explanations of a North Korea research institute about the C1 industry based upon coal chemistry of Kim Jong-Un era. The logic of localization of sanctions is similar from the Japanese Aggression Period through the period of Kim Il-Sung and Kim Jong-Il to the period of Kim Jong-Un. Kim Jong-Un is emphasizing subjective economy called the localization of material and facility, and economic growth of N. Korea is being realized around coal. This is the same as the slogan that Kim Il-Sung has advocated after the liberation and Korean War or the slogan that Kim Jong-Un has advocated during the N. Korean’s Famine. It can be analyzed that industrial strategies of nations who do not receive crude oil under sanctions are similar. In other words, industry of N. Korea during Kim Jong-Un era adjusted to sanctions through the C1 coal chemical industry. This is a similar way as Nazi Germany and Japanese imperialism and similar to the industrial strategy South Africa has selected who faced oil sanctions of Britain and the U.S. because of apartheid.

The main purpose of this article is to explore the US and China’s “Indo-Pacific Strategy” and their countermeasure toward each other. In order to deter China’s overwhelming influence in the Indo-Pacific region, the US has been driving some foreign policies. First, policy transition from Rebalancing strategy toward Asian-pacific under the Obama administration to Indo-Pacific strategy. Second, maintaining and expanding US’s influence in Southeast Asia as the most conflictive region between US and China. Third, Tit-for-Tat strategy against China’s One-Belt/One-Road Initiative (BRI) under Xi’s regime. Fourth, launching trade war between US and China under Trump administration for mitigating US’s trade deficit with China. China also has been interested in the US Indo-Pacific strategy with fear. China’s basic perception of US Indo-Pacific strategy is as follows. First, There is no big difference between Rebalancing strategy toward Asia-Pacific under Obama’s regime and Indo-Pacific Strategy under Trump’s regime. Second, China regards Indo-Pacific strategy as containing China. China also independently has put forward to drive a assertive grand strategy called China’s Dream especially under Xi’s regime since globally rising China as G2. We can call this grand strategy Indo-Pacific strategy with China style. There are some China’s countermeasures to US Indo-Pacific strategy as follows. BRI, strategic security cooperation between China and Russia, expanding and consolidating Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Strategy of splitting Quad, engaging Southeast Asia, Taiwan, and Korean Peninsula as the most conflictive region between China and US. To avoid strategic dilemma within conflict between China and US, Moon administration has been vigorously pushing forward hedging policy toward US and China by building peace and co-prosperity through denuclearization of North Korea, New Northern & Southern Policy.

It is hard to prove the trilateral cooperation between Korea, Japan, and China, albeit its necessity, appropriateness, and expectation. In addition, the issues of past history such as the bilateral history and territorial conflicts between the three nations have caused difficulties in the progress of trilateral cooperation. Nevertheless, three nations have reached agreements and continued its efforts towards cooperation. This study aims to explore the reasons why the three uncomfortable countries are trying to cooperate from the Japanese critical perspectives towards trilateral cooperation based on Japan’s perception on Korea and China, and international strategy towards Asia. As a result, it is observed that the importance of each country’s foreign policy to the other countries plays as a significant factor in promoting and advancing the trilateral cooperation. Meanwhile, the inherent historical conflicts between Korea-Japan and China-Japan are a factor to impede the cooperation between three countries. In this sense, Korea-China-Japan relations with ‘internal instability’ have formed ‘a tense ménage à trois’ which forms a ‘minimum amount of amicable relations’ within the framework of ‘trilateral cooperation’.

Since the construction of the first nuclear power reactor in 1970, the Korean state has played an entrepreneurial role not only in expanding the material scale of nuclear power system but in also crafting ideology and organizations to maintain a large-scale technological infrastructure. Building on the observation that the last two democratic governments (2003-2008; 2008-2013) adopted divergent approaches to the management of nuclear power system, this article tackles the following questions: how and why they chose different policies; how did the structure of Korean nuclear power system change as a result? To answer these questions, this article presents an analytical framework whose underlying idea is that a nuclear policy is formed through the intertwined dynamics of the state, societal contexts, and a technological system. In the Korean context where state-led development of technology coexists with a changing democratic environment, the state is situated both within a technology and in society. This dual position of the Korean state leads us to a better understanding of a nuclear policy in relation to the interaction between technology and society mediated by the state. This article finds that the two governments eventually contributed to entrenching the Korean nuclear power system despite their policy discrepancies.