The Journal of Northeast Asia Research 2021 KCI Impact Factor : 0.79

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pISSN : 2005-4432
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2019, Vol.34, No.1

  • 1.

    South Korea’s New Southern Policy and the Search for a New Regionalist Strategy in the Emerging Indo-Pacific Era

    Choi, Young Jong | 2019, 34(1) | pp.5~35 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    This study attempts to explore strategic implications of South Korea’s ‘New Southern Policy’, offer evaluation of its actual implementation, and suggest policy recommendations for improvement in the future. The South Korean government is advised to link its ‘New Southern Policy’ with a new comprehensive regionalist strategy in order to find an exit to its deadlocked ‘New Northern Policy’, to avoid a risky situation to choose either the US or China, and to find a regionalist solution to the so-called ‘Korean peninsula problem’. The emerging Indo-Pacific era has brought geopolitics back into the region, and South Korea needs a new regionalist policy to establish a rule-based regional order. The South Korean government needs to overcome its ego-centric, overly nationalistic foreign policy orientation and pursue a genuine middle power diplomacy representing common regional goals as well as universal values and interests. By so doing, South Korea can attain broad support for its foreign policy initiatives and improve the chance to bring peace and prosperity to the Korean peninsula.
  • 2.

    The New Climate Regime and Energy Cooperation in Northeast Asia from the Differentiated to the Regional

    Hong Kun Sik | 2019, 34(1) | pp.37~66 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    The Paris Agreement of December 2015 features a bottom-up approach that allows countries to voluntarily set their reduction targets based on the principle of ‘Common But Differentiated Responsibilities’. The agreement also contains provisions on the distribution of discriminatory responsibilities for the reduction of greenhouse gases. However, this type of liability regulations have limitations in a point that it allows countries to respond passively against environmental problems that have characteristics of public goods. Meanwhile, the Shale Gas energy revolution by the US is raising the competition for securing stable energy in Northeast Asian countries, and it is time to cooperate in the region to solve both energy and environmental problems simultaneously. Although Northeast Asia accounts for 35% of world energy consumption, there is no real cooperation body for energy cooperation. This study examines the Northeast Asian Super Grid as a Northeast Asian energy cooperation body to be a bridge to resolve the complexity of climate change and energy security through regime theory. In conclusion, this study suggests that the Northeast Asian Super Grid can seek the solution of the responsibility problem that is pointed out as the limitation of the Paris Agreement at the regional level through ‘Common But Regional Responsibilities’, and it lets regional states respond cooperatively by reducing dependence on fossil fuels.
  • 3.

    War Crimes Trials in the Far East after World War II

    ha-young YU | 2019, 34(1) | pp.67~98 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    이 논문은 제2차 세계대전이후 아시아지역 연합국이 설립한 소위 “BC형 전범재판”의 설립과 운영에 관한 서설적 연구이다. 일반적으로 극동국제재판소 헌장에 의한 도쿄 전범재판소만이 극동 전범재판으로 알려져 있으나 실제 대부분의 사형 판결과 처벌 인원은 개별 전범재판소에서 이루어졌다. 국제법적인 성격이 강한 뉘른베르크 전범재판소 및 그 “후속 재판”에 비해 극동국제군사재판은 미국의 주도하에 이루어져 천황 및 소위 “731부대”의 불처벌 등 적지 않은 문제를 발생하였다. 한국의 경우 전후 국제질서를 형성함에 전승국도 패전국도 아닌 어정쩡한 상태로 해방이 되었고 연이어 남북분단과 한국전쟁으로 전후처리와 전후 국제질서 형성에 거의 참여하지 못했다. 대표적인 사례로 일본 패전 후 강제동원 피해자인 군무원(군속)과 일본군위안부는 일본 국적으로 간주되어 전범으로 처벌되고 어떠한 배상이나 보상도 받지 못했다. 극동재판 중에서 소련의 하바롭스크 및 중국의 개별 전범재판소에서의 일본 전범 처벌은 정의의 확립 차원에서 가치 있는 일로 평가된다. 또한 민간인 살해 및 포로 강제 노동, 생체실험 등에 대한 전범 처벌은 이후 국제인도법 규범의 확립에도 적지 않은 기여가 되었다. 잔혹한 전시범죄에 대한 엄정한 처벌은 전시범죄를 예방하는 순기능을 가지고 있다. 전시범죄와 인도에 반한 죄는 시효없이 적용되어야 한다.
  • 4.

    A Study on the Continuity of the Japanese Government's Perception of Colonial Rule : Focus on Kan Statement and Korea-Japan Agreement for Books

    UM TAE BONG | 2019, 34(1) | pp.99~125 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This article attempts to clarify the continuity of the Japanese government's perception of colonial rule through analyzing historical perception of the ‘Kan statement’ and ‘Korea-Japan Agreement for Books’. In order to analysis the perception this article examines ‘Kan statement’ and ‘Korea-Japan Agreement for Books’ through ‘Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea’ and ‘Agreement on the Art Objects and Cultural Co-operation between Japan and the Republic of Korea’ in the Korea-Japan Normalization talks. Tokyo had held the perception that the ‘Japan–Korea treaty of 1910’ has been legally valid and following colonial ruling was legally legitimate. Therefore, Tokyo has similar perception on the issue on transfer of Korean cultural heritage to Japan during the colonial period, which was conducted by a legitimate authority of colonial ruling bodies based on the annexation treaty of 1910. This article argues that similar historical perception can be found in the ‘Kan statement’ through examinations. ‘Kan statement’ and ‘Korea-Japan Agreement for Books’ had the same historical perception as ‘Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea’ and ‘Agreement on the Art Objects and Cultural Co-operation between Japan and the Republic of Korea’. It is claimed that although Kan, the first prime minister to express apology to the colonial rule in Korea through official statement, was signed the Agreement for books, the first large-scale cultural properties delivery after the Korea-Japan talks, the historical perception that ‘Japan–Korea treaty of 1910’ and the export of cultural properties were legally valid has been still embedded in his statement and actions. This article clarifies the continuity of the Japanese government's perception of colonial rule through this analysis.
  • 5.

    Japan's Indo·Pacific Strategy and ASEAN‘ s Role

    Suksoo Kim | 2019, 34(1) | pp.127~152 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    Japan is working with the United States on a free-open India-Pacific plan. China is also waging a power struggle in the region, with the new Silk Road economic bloc, the One Road One Belt initiative. ASEAN is pursuing its own strategy for the sake of its position while seeking an integrated strategy. ASEAN has developed balanced diplomacy between the US and China as a whole, and the two countries' hegemony competition and trade disputes are strengthening their strategies for survival. As an important element of this strategy for establishing regional order, this article focuses on three aspects that Japan has pursued in the name of FOIPS: the creation of stable and multilateral balance of forces, the promotion of connectivity between regional resilience and development, and the establishment of rules and norms. In addition, after discussing these issues, the article identifies the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Japan's FOIPS. Furthermore, the article will conclude, predicting that cooperation with Japan and ASEAN will play a key role in cooperation, prosperity and peaceful stability in the region as a regional order-building strategy to avoid the emergence of a new Cold War in the region.
  • 6.

    Economic Statecraft of China after Xi Jinping Regime: Competition, Engagement and Coercion

    Dae-yeob Yoon | 2019, 34(1) | pp.153~181 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This study analyzes the changes of China's economic statecraft after Xi Jinping regime and examines the implications for regional security order. Xi Jinping regime has responded aggressively to neighboring disputes, which are linked to core national interests. Given the practical constraints of using military force, the economic statecraft will become a means for China to reestablish its position and role in the region. China's economic statecraft after the Xi Jinping regime can be summarized into three characteristics: competition, engagement and coercion. First, China’s development strategies has been transferred from open and comparative advantage after 1978 to state-led innovation and competitive advantage strategies. Second, trade-focused economic diplomacy has been transformed into proactive engagement and regional strategy. Third, the asymmetric interdependence structure is used as a means of coercive diplomacy.
  • 7.

    The Different Views on North Korea: Focusing on the Image Theory

    RHEE BYOUNG HEE | 2019, 34(1) | pp.183~213 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This paper is an attempt to analyze the relationship between South and North Korea in terms of the political psychology. The study of various and changing images on North Korea which South Korean policy makers have, make us better understand the South Korean policy dealing with North Korea. According to the images, We can find different reposes and strategies towards North Korea. For example, the enemy image supports containment tactics, the barbarian image facilitates a quest for alliance or strengthening alliance and power augmentation, the rogue image make us leaning towards hard retribution, the degenerate image increases chances to destroy North Korea and underestimate the power of North Korea. Though these images are subjective and non-logical, we can use them as the limits of South Korean Policies toward North Korea. We try to keep our eyes wide open to the acceptance of the blind and operational images on North Korea without the background of scientific knowledge as well as the danger of the wishful thinking.
  • 8.

    Persistence and Change of the Welfare Act of North Korean Disabled Persons: Focusing on the Amendment of the Disabled Persons Act

    Chulsoo Lee | 2019, 34(1) | pp.215~243 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    The objective of this study is to compare the ‘2003 Protection Act for the Disabled with the 2013 Protection Act for the Disabled in North Korea, and to track the sustainability and shifts of the North's welfare legislation. As a result of the analysis, sustainability is as follows: First, in the case of applicable objects, a comprehensive disability is still the main target. Second, in the case of cash benefits, the government maintains subsidies for the disabled who have completely lost their working capacity and child care support for the disabled pre-school persons. Third, in the case of wages in kind, the type of the wages focused on health care and treatment for the disabled is the same as before. Fourth, there is no shift in national, institutional, corporate or group-oriented burden entities in the case of the finance. Fifth, in the case of the transfer system, the existing vertical structure of the central organization is maintained. As for the change, first, seven types of disability and preference for disabled workers have been newly appended for applications. Second, in the case of cash benefits, general scholarship provision was supplemented for disabled pupils attending special schools. Third, in the case of wages in kind, there is no noticeable change according as existing types of wages are retained. Fourth, the biggest change is detected in the finance, and a foundation for the handicapped was newly established to diversify the window for funding. Fifth, in the case of the transfer system, a partial change is detected in the middle of maintaining the existing delivery system, which includes a preventive approach to disabilities of service-specialized agencies unlike in the past.
  • 9.

    The Social-cultural Meaning and Changes of Candlelight Demonstrations

    KimJongBub | 2019, 34(1) | pp.245~274 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    This paper will analyze the political meanings of 'Candlelight Demonstration' in 2016, concentrating on the analysis of social-cultural changes after Keun-Hye Park’s government and comparing it to the previous cases of candlelight demonstrations. The Korean democratic system had been so fast changed into a more regressive one since Myoung-Park Lee's government. But the 'Candlelight Demonstration' recurred in 2016 was a crucial phenomenon that could be interpreted as a new form of democratic political participation to resist against the deterioration of Korean democratic system. This study argues that we can understand the 'Candlelight Demonstration in 2016' as a new symbolic sign of Korean democracy, providing some explanations of the processes and social-cultural impacts of the 'Candlelight Demonstration in 2016'.
  • 10.

    China’s Separatist Movements and Interstate Cooperation Dilemma

    Yun, Sung Min , Young Hark Byun | 2019, 34(1) | pp.275~305 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    How has China(PRC) alleviated ethnic unrest of Tibet Autonomous Region(TAR) but in Xinjiang/Uyghur Autonomous Region(XUAR)? About the difference, this research focuses on external factors of China. First, TAR/XUAR have patrons supporting separatism respectively in India/Pakistan. By expecting two neighboring states preclude patrons interacting with radical separatists inside, PRC bolsters interstate cooperation. In response, central governments of India/Pakistan endeavor to control patrons. In reality, due to India’s pressure and formidable influence, Tibetans’ government-in-exile eventually gave up pursuing radical separation. By contrast in Pakistan, having without legitimized sovereignty, insufficient power of a central government, 1) patrons of Uyghur separatists refuse government’s directions while 2) security forces are unable to control borders. Consequently Pakistan’s weak strength escalates separatism of XUAR.
  • 11.

    Decentralization and Foreign Direct Investment : Impact of Fiscal and Political Decentralization on FDI Inflow

    Seonyeong Jo , Dong-Hun Kim | 2019, 34(1) | pp.307~339 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    We examine the interactive effects of political decentralization and fiscal decentralization on foreign direct investment. We argue that the positive effect of fiscal decentralization on FDI inflow becomes stronger with the political decentralization. Empirically, we test the argument using Hooghe et al. (2015)’s original dataset on Regional Authority Index and analyze 81 countries for the period 1970 to 2010. The empirical results suggest that in general, fiscally and politically decentralized host countries receive more FDI inflow.