KJC Korea
Journal Central

Contrary to the expectations of proponents of liberal democracy in the international society, China has not followed the path of liberalization and democratization, and still remains an authoritarian state that adheres to the authoritarian system under the Communist Party’s leadership. In addition, in its political reform, China opposes Western-style democratization and has pursued what it calls “Chinese-style democracy”. In this reality, China seems to be gradually moving away from the path of liberalization and democratization, but the results of the Chinese poll show that, ironically, many Chinese perceive China as a democratic country, and that they are not only relatively highly valued, but also quite satisfied with the way Chinese-style democracy is implemented in the country. This paper starts from the assumption that this irony can result from a different conception of democracy. Under this sense of question, this paper looks at the relationship between the Chinese people's understanding of democracy and their assessment of Chinese-style democracy. In particular, this paper attempts to examine the characteristics of Chinese conception of democracy and how such a conception affects their evaluation of China's democratic level and their satisfaction with the way Chinese-style democracy is implemented.

Under the Kim Jong-un regime, North Korea is focusing on information and communication development, presenting its goal of becoming a knowledge economy based on information technology. Expectations are high for North Korea's reform and openness after the rise of a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula in 2018 and for possible inter-Korean cooperation in the ICT sector. But, it is true that there are vague expectations that the ICT sector will be a key part of inter-Korean cooperation amid the lack of detailed analysis and prospects on how ICT development strategies and external cooperation will be pursued after the North's reform and opening. This paper examines China's ICT development awareness and strategy, support policy and technical cooperation network since the China’s Reform and Open Policy in 1978, which is helpful for predicting and analyzing aspects of ICT development strategy and external cooperation network after North Korea's reform and opening. It analyzes how the nation played a role in the development of the ICT industry in terms of the policy leader's perception and will, the government's institutional financial support and network support to promote foreign technology exchanges, and presents suggestions and implications of ICT development strategies, policies and network strategies after China's past reform and opening of North Korea.

This study is on the formation and change of ethnic identity and national identity of Korean Chinese living in Korea. For this, this study analyzed the ethnic and national identity of Korean Chinese by approaching the context of political, cultural and ideological systems and the relationship between China, the Korean Chinese, and Korea affects identity change. The identity of Korean Chinese in Korea is recognized and formed through various relationships, contexts, and policies, including individuals, societies, and nations. The identity of Korean Chinese according to the relationship is different from time to time. As a result, the negative image of Korean Chinese is more responsible for the media's reporting behavior than the national ideology of the socialist system, political, economic, and socio-cultural aspects. Therefore, Korean society needs to work with the Korean Chinese to create a framework for recognizing new relations with a long-term perspective, because Korean Chinese show differences and diversity in the process of forming and changing identity.

North Korea's perception of the United States is represented by negative images such as distrust, hostility, and slander. For more than 70 years, North Korea and the United States have faced hostile relations and mutual distrust through military conflicts in the DMZ, mass production of hostility consciousness through various symbolic manipulations and demonization, and the failed nuclear negotiations since the Korean war. The recent North Korea-U.S summit also showed that they do not trust each other's words and actions due to the ‘learning effects' derived from their past experiences. Most of the previous researches tend to have limitations in grouping the North Korea’s perceptions of U.S such as hostility, distrust, slander, and hate into a unified analytical frame. The purpose of this study is to examine empirically and concretely North Korea's perceptions of U.S, which is an obstacle in the denuclearization negotiation process between North Korea and U.S.

The purpose of this paper is to identify the occurrences and major events of anti-soviet & anti-communism movement after the liberation of Korea, and to examine their general characteristics. The opposition to Soviet troops and the Communist Party continued shortly after liberation, and their ideological underpinnings were established by the policies and education of the former Japanese authorities. The most active among them were terrorist organizations from the South, centered on Baeg-uisa('White Clothes Society'), and the forces involved. The organized resistance of the students was actively made in the Sinuiju student Incident, Anti-trusteeship movement, Anti-land reform movement. During Provincial, city and county people's committees elections the Christian protest was actually the last organized mass resistance. Since 1947, the organizational resistance of the anti-Soviet forces was virtually ended by communist institutional and physical measures. Because of this, the anti-Soviet forces had become increasingly dependent on terrorism and sporadic resistance. After the liberation of Korea, the activities of anti-communist forces in North Korea were not systematically expanded and were isolated from the public. In the space of the liberation, their arguments did not have sufficient justification, and they lacked their political and organizational strengths to overcome the political environment led by the Communist Party.

In the 1920s, the situation in Northeast Asia tended to combine class liberation and national liberation by linking socialism under the confrontation of capital imperialism vs. the proletarian class, oppressed people, and oppressed nations. Choseon's acceptance of socialism began in the late 1910s, but the officially confirmed document originated in the 1920s Cheondogyo magazine Gaebyeok. Lee Dong-gok(李東谷), who acted as a correspondent for Gaebyeok, introduced China's new-culture movement and social revolution to Korea. Kim Ki-jeon(金起田) and Lee Don-hwa(李敦化) adapted the Chinese social revolution and Russian socialism to suit the Choseon status and situation. With farmers accounting for 90% of the population and a small number of workers, the class movement in Chosun called for awakening of farmers. In addition, it developed a peasant movement that made the Choseon ‘Youth Union’ a mainstream of movement. Also, Marx's "history of class struggle" was called "history of human liberation." And "Workers of all nations unite!" changed to "Proletarian of all nations unite!" It was argued that the source of class consciousness stems from the Donghak(東學) revolution. Class consciousness was not based on revolutionary means from the outset, but on the basis of universal consciousness first entering into Innaecheon thought and forming into a spirit of creation and mutual solidarity. The subject of movement of the Choseon liberation was unity of the Choseon Youth Union, the proletarian Youth, and the roots of the "Infinity of human nature" and the culturalist politics of the whole people. Thus, the last revolution would come out of Choseon. And the principle of the revolution lies in the "great ideal of the Gaebyeok" that everyone will resonate.