KJC Korea
Journal Central

The purpose of this paper is to examine the status of us-China strategic competition in the Asia-Pacific region during the Biden administration, focusing on US policy, and to suggest future policy directions for Korea. The Biden administration inherits the Indo-Pacific strategy promoted by the Trump administration militarily, expanding the quad and strengthening alliances politically and diplomatically, and mobilizing allies and allies in the economic field to press China. It is also pushing for checks and decoupling policies on high-tech technologies such as semiconductors. The U.S.-China strategic competition is currently in the process of shifting from strategic competition to a new cold war as it progresses to a three-dimensional relationship of "competition, cooperation, and confrontation." As the U.S.-China strategic competition intensifies, Korea, which is an intermediate country between the U.S. and China, may be forced to choose between the U.S. and China, and may face difficulties in the process. In order to maintain peace, security, and prosperity, Korea needs to establish principles under the goal of promoting diplomacy based on national interests, and it is necessary to pursue policies that deal with each case and respond proactively and preemptively with strategic autonomy. It requires wisdom to respond flexibly to changing situations in the process.

This study compares and analyzes the representation of North Korea in South Korean films from 1960 to 1980 with that of South Korea in North Korean films. This period was when both Koreas established and developed political systems under the influence of the Cold War. The two Koreas actively used the films as a propaganda, using the films for producing representations of its opponents. In the 1960s, the representation of North Korea in South Korean films was the appearance of confrontation with the war opponent itself. The film about the Korean War focused on the activities of the South Korean military and reproduced North Korea as an opponent to prove its activities. During this period, the representation of South Korea in North Korean films was a place where people with revolutionary capabilities suffered from the oppression of American Imperialism. After 1967, South Korean films began to antagonize North Korean representations. Meanwhile, the North Korean film was looking at South Korea with confidence in its postwar recovery. North Korea’s confidence in the system and economic growth led to the focus to South Korea’s People, which resulted in the film reflecting the North Korea’s Revolution Policy in South Korea. The late 1960s, when military tensions between the two Koreas reached their peak, was a time when the representations for each other were established. South Korean films began to build North Korea's representation in a hostile way as threat, and South Korea’s representaion in North Korean films began to appear as a place oppressed by American Imperialism. This representaion became a complete symbol of inter-Korean films in the 1970s. South Korea repeatedly produced the complete version of the hostile North Korean representaion in national policy propaganda film, and the North Korean film completed the South's representaion as a poor and oppressed space by American imperialism against the North Korean regime.

The purpose of this study is to explore the direction of democratic citizenship education by analyzing the political consciousness and election behavior of high school seniors in Daegu following the introduction of 18-year-old voting rights. The research results are as follows. First, high school seniors' political interest and understanding were low, but their political judgment and willingness to participate were high. Second, the turnout of students in Daegu in the 21st general election was low at 61.3%, but participants felt a sense of accomplishment and political efficacy after voting and gave a positive evaluation of enhancing political judgment. Third, the influence of the medium on the political consciousness and political judgment of high school seniors was high and the influence of schools and teachers was low. Fourth, it was analyzed that the school's curriculum and non-curricular activities and pre-election education for the 21st general election did not help political judgment form and vote.