The Journal of Northeast Asia Research 2021 KCI Impact Factor : 0.79

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pISSN : 2005-4432
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2022, Vol.37, No.1

  • 1.

    The Organization and Officers of the Interior Bureau of the North Korean People’s Committee, 1947~1948

    Kim, Seon-ho | 2022, 37(1) | pp.5~39 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The Bureau of Internal Affairs(BIA) of the North Korean People’s Committee has significantly expanded the affairs of political crime, political ideology, resident life, and domestic security compared to the Security Bureau of the North Korean Provisional People’s Committee. The BIA played a role in defending national construction activities and government agencies by expanding crime investigation, information activities, security activities, and resident control tasks compared to the United States Army Military Government in Korea. In addition, the BIA exerted overwhelming control over the social sphere of North Korea by acquiring part of the jurisdiction and military command along with security. North Korea’s political forces have placed the largest number of local administrative departments in the police station, and have collected various information from residents to control the people and society at the local level. Meanwhile, with the appointment of Park, Il-woo as the head of the BIA, the influence from the Korean Volunteer Army(KVA) group expanded rapidly and the influence from the Northeastern Anti-Japanese Union Army(NAJUA) group rapidly decreased. At the same time, North Korea’s political forces separated the military’s command by directing the people’s army from the NAJUA group and directing the army of the interior bureau from the KVA group. Eventually, North Korea’s political forces were able to establish and manage the daily and political spaces of the people more closely by establishing the BIA. Also, as the information gathering method of the Soviet Union and the way of dealing with the political crimes of the Soviet Union spread to the North Korean region and society through the BIA, a North Korean social control system began to form.
  • 2.

    A Study on Peace Unification Education in Gwangju Province

    Kang Gu Sup | 2022, 37(1) | pp.41~74 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This Study aims to analyze Peace Unification Education Program in Gwangju Province and to obtain some policy suggestions and implications for effective implementation of the program on Peace Unification Education which is based on the regional characteristics of Gwangju Province. In this purpose, it primarily scrutinizes the current state of Peace Unification Education in school sectors, public sectors and social sectors through literary analysis. In addition, it is conducted in semi-structured interviews to investigate the experiences and perspectives of experts dealing with Peace Unification Education in Gwangju province. The result of the study indicates that Peace Unification Education in School Sectors has some fallacies noticed in its contents and misconceptions of the experts. Public sectors show lack of interest for Peace Unification Education due to changes in situational impacts. In the social field, there are limitations for the effective implementation of the program of Peace Unification Education owing to the lack of systematic perpetration based on civil Interest. Respectively, this study points out that the development of Peace Unification Education Program based on its regional characteristics, production of local atmosphere, improvement of experts and building a regional foundation should be handled well for effective and firm implementation of Peace Unification Education.
  • 3.

    The Cognitive Dissonance on Refugees in South Korea: The Case of the Influx of Yemeni Refugees on Jeju Island

    Myung Suk Young , Won Geun Choi | 2022, 37(1) | pp.75~108 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The influx of Yemeni refugees on Jeju Island sparked controversy in South Korea in 2018. Considering the remarkable contribution to UNHCR from the private sector, it was a completely disappointing response discouraging refugee protection. This research emerges from the point that Koreans showed contrasting attitudes to the influx of refugees in 2018. How can we explain this disparity, and what explains the strong and massive public resistance against the acceptance of refugees? This research argues that the Yemeni refugee crisis was rapidly politicized and spread out to society with crafted fears from social security threats and hysteric multiculturalism backlash caused by the cognitive dissonance between what is real and what is imagined for refugees.