KJC Korea
Journal Central

In general, there is a limit as to what government and business can do to cope with a crisis resulting from climate change, because of inflexible bureaucracy and short-term profit-seeking businesses. Therefore, there is a hope in civil society and communities. Danger or crisis resulting from climate change might increase people’s feeling of helplessness, individualization, social inequality, hatred and conflict in society. To solve these problems, trust among people, recovery of community spirit, and consolidatory democracy are needed. ‘Transition Town’ is a movement of this idea, for communication, sharing and cooperation. Towns of Totnes, Dongjak-gu and Eunpyeong-gu may be good models. Above all, transition of paradigm - for example, self-sufficient, cooperative and reciprocal economy - is needed to solve natural and social resulting from climate change.

In contemporary times, it is difficult for anyone to refute an argument about the seriousness of climate change. However, the fact that climate change is the human and cultural problem has been debated only in recent times. That is related to the idea of Anthropocene which was proposed by Crutzen. Exponents of Anthoropocene including Crutzen reckon that the geographical age had been separated from geographical changes or biological events in the past. Presently, however, human action and human way of thinking - rather than nature - determine global history and fate. While human being is regarded as the main factor of the coming geographical age, it is understood that human culture and the human way of life are increasingly spotlighted. This study examines the cultural concept of Anthropocene, especially that of Herder. It is summarized as the culture of introspection and of the global responsibility. Futhermore, climate change is becoming the task of humanities and culturology, not just of a matter of natural science. This study also presents the cases of actual practice in the cultural area and the relationship between climate change and culturology.

This paper has three distinct but interrelated purposes. First, it examines how the Anthropocene has emerged and its meaning and discourse have developed both in science and humanities, focusing on three perspectives: anthropogenic results of the current global environmental transformation, a deep time sense of human-nature interrelatedness, and the necessity of human stewardship toward a sustainable planet earth. Second, this paper examines how the Anthropocene and climate change are incorporated to each other, reflecting the dominant usage of the term climate change in the public domain. It argues that global warming is a more appropriate term and concept for anthropogenic climate change in the Anthropocene. Third, this paper critically examines how the non-realistic novel genres such as SF, future fiction, and fantasy, which have been main bodies of literary adoption of the theme of climate change, have adapted this theme. Such fiction has unintentionally discouraged readers from engaging themselves in the current Anthropocene climate change conditions and circumstances and the consequent sense of responsibility.

This paper has examined the discussions on the overseas Chinese in the northern region of the colonial Korea in the early 20th century, with much focus on those in Wonsan before the Sino-Japanese War (1912∼1936). First, this study reviewed the status of port opening in Wonsan. Second, it discussed the scale and the occupational status of the overseas Chinese in Wonsan. Especially, it focused on the situation of the overseas Chinese before and after the anti-Chinese riots of 1931. Third, it analyzed the network of the overseas Chinese in Wonsan with regard to its relationship with the Wonsan vice consulate and the Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Wonsan. In addition, this study described the Chinese Association, the predecessor organization of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Wonsan.

The purpose of this study is to review what is called ‘Konglish’ from the linguistic point view. Konglish is a term which refers to both Korean style English pronunciation and expressions. English pronunciation by Korean learners is influenced by Korean in three levels: segmental, syllabic, and phonological. Korean style pronunciation can be justified in many ways. First, it is the result of linguistically natural process. Second, there are so many different dialects of English in the world including American and British English, which are quite different from each other. Third, there are more cases of interaction between non-native speakers of English, in which English is used as a means of communication. Many English expressions used in Korea are only understood by Koreans, not by English native speakers. They are criticized by many authorities in Korea for their ‘corrupting’ Korean and for being an object of ridicule in English-speaking society. But this sort of semantic expansion and error is also frequently found in their use of native language implying that it is a natural characteristics of a language use. Besides, as was the case of sino-Koreans in Korea, many words from English, whether they are ‘true’ or ‘false’, will replace current Korean words later and as a result will be part of Korean lexicon in the future. All of this is a reflection of our everyday use of language and of the expansion of Korean lexicon, which will be accelerated in the future. Despite the many efforts of many purists or school grammarians a language will change continuously with the introduction of new vocabulary and the vanishment of rarely-used expressions.

This paper aims at trying to prove that the ordinary understanding of the traditional market space does destroy the placeness of its own, in consideration of the space of traditional market from the cultural-philosophical point of view. For this purpose, it does analyze the way and attitude of understanding the market space on which current promotions of market have been based. And, through comparing with the social function of the past market, this paper tries to show the problem of this current understanding of the market space. Especially, it points out that the space of market and the space of a large discount store are not essentially distinct on this understanding of the space, and that the current promotions of market stimulate the indifferentiation of the traditional market space. Because of it, the market is in danger of being replaced with a large discount store. The genuine method of promoting the traditional market is to recover its placeness. In this sense, to consider the traditional market is the task of humanities, because the placeness has been a very important thesis of humanities.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the cause and route of migration of Evenki centering on the family names of Evenki. The migration of Evenki is related with historical and environmental factors, and it began in the ancient times much before the 17th century and ended around the beginning of the 20th century, which is divided into 3 periods. The 1st migration took place around the 6th∼7th centuries in relation to the northing of Turk, the 2nd migration took place around the 12th∼13th century in relation to the expansion of Mongols, and the 3rd migration took place after the 17th century in relation to the emergence of Russian people in Siberia and the colonization policy. The 1st migration of Evenki can be simplified into the northing of Turk in the west of Pribaikaliye and Zabaikaliye→ migration of Evenki and Turk to the east of Zabaikaliye, Priamuriye, and the west of Zabaikaliye, and the division of Evenki and Even. The 2nd migration of Evenki can be simplified into the rapid expansion of Mongol→migration of Buryat to Pribaikaliye→migration of Turk from Pribaikaliye to the upstream of Lena River→migration of Evenki and Tungus from the upstream of Lena River to the left bank and downstream of Lena, Tayga in the downstream of Aldan River and Okhotsk region. The 3rd migration of Evenki was an extensive phenomenon which cannot be compared with the 1st and 2nd migrations in terms of scale and range, was influenced by multiple causes, and continued for 3 centuries from the beginning of the 17th century to the beginning of the 20th century. During this period, there were frequent migrations within the region influenced by both artificial and natural causes. The reason for the migration of Evenki in the beginning of the 17th century to the beginning of the 20th century is quite complicated, however, is mainly the colonization policy of Russia and the violence and tyranny of Russian people, the frequent conflict between Evenki and Russian people due to the policy and violence, the conflict between families of Evenki, and the pressure of Yakut and Buryat that had dominance in terms of population and force. As described above, Evenki had to spend turbulent years, wandering throughout East Siberia due to internal and external circumstances between the 17th century and the beginning of the 20th century.

Michael Slote suggests the Common Sense Virtue Ethics with systematic structure in Moral evaluations, by which Virtue Ethics in general is affected. There have occurred a lot of controversies by his rationales being suggested in defending his own virtue ethics, for example, aretaic terms like asymmetry or the admirable, and undetermination in utilitarianism. I will introduce these controversies and answer to the opposite arguments about Slote’s rationales in this paper, in order to show his virtue ethics standing for these opposite views. So in this paper, though not clearly, I will show that Slote’s virtue ethics is still viewed as a valuable theory of virtue.

Lee Bong-gu was a symbol of youth and the young. Having been recognized as the everlasting icon of youth, Lee Bong-gu had made a deep impression among the public as an advocate of the so-called Myeongdong discourses. This seemingly appropriate approach, however, makes it more difficult to evaluate Lee Bong-gu properly. The literary world of Lee Bong-gu, which appears to display a tendency of autobiographical novels, is often understood as an example of immature writings that fall short of representing youth and the young. The core idea of this perspective comes from the conceptual or generational views that try to confine Lee to the boundary of youth and the young. By looking at Lee Bong-gu less as an icon of youth and the young and more as a symbol of a cultural class based on tastes and preference, we can find an interesting perspective that helps us approach to his literature more properly. In other words, Lee Bong-gu not so much played the role of an icon of youth as represented the emergence of a new cultural class whose members had the experiences of living abroad, a deep taste for high-brow culture, and an identity as artists or men of culture. They had the characteristics of the modernist cultural class that differentiated themselves from the economically affluent and privileged class. Lee Bong-gu recreated and redefined Myeongdong Coffee Shop anew with his strong identity as a member of the cultural class. Unlike his fellow literary writers, artists and men of culture who newly found their identity as the advocates of new ideologies or thoughts in the space of liberation, however, Lee Bong-gu consistently maintained his own identity as a member of the cultural class, which also let others understand him as the icon of youth and the young. It, however, will be more appropriate to understand that the cultural class of which Lee was a member ― not Lee’s image representing youth and the young ― continued to exist consistently in Myeongdong after Korea’s liberation from Japan in 1945 and even after the Korean War (1950-1953). In the space of liberation, the identity of Lee Bong-gu as a member of the cultural class, having not been fully established in the postwar space, could be interpreted as a newly emerged class identity but also as a still incomplete identity in that it has not acquired a sense of contemplative modernity. It was because Lee Bong-gu, though a young man himself, felt nostalgia for Myeongdong through contemplation on the space of liberation and the situation of the postwar space.

In the 1940s, Japan tried to extensively make use of ‘the provincial Confucians’ who had ‘authorities and influences’ that were not disbanded completely in local areas in order to regulate and surveil the populace of each local area more effectively and efficiently. Myeoungdeoksajo (明德詞藻), a collection of poems written in Chinese characters and was published by the Confucians in Gangneung in 1941, unveiled the situations of the Confucians in the period very frankly. In this book of poems, the Confucians in Gangneung showed their will to cooperate with and participate in the Japanese fascist system through Sino-Korean poetry and the poetry club that were their words and culture. In other words, the so-called Confucians then took advantage of sociopolitical ideologies that Japan tried to force and implant as a kind of sociopolitical tool by using a format of Sino-Korean poetry only and applying it to the cause as a means of expressing their will of cooperation. Besides, it showed the fact that this work was ignited by the bureaucrats in a lower class and a group of community leaders in local areas not by renowned Confucians. They only focused on delivering the contents that praised and beatified the wartime situations and local officials and urged participation of the populace using chikje (勅題) and “the holy war” that were bestowed upon by the Japanese Emperor and historical spots as a subject for a poem. In fact, they eliminated the tradition of aesthetics in Sino-Korean poetry. In conclusion, this book of poems shows not only an aspect of how the policy of controlling Confucians by the Japanese Government-General of the Joseon dynasty was carried out through the provincial Confucians at the end of the Japanese colonial era but also brings up the necessity of studying pro-Japanese Sino-Korean poems that differentiated themselves from the existing pro-Japanese literature (written either in Korean or Japanese).

This study examined a phonological phenomenon which is found in Chinese students who are learning Korean’s pronunciation such as changing or interfering nasal sounds of coda(ex., *[dang.ki]←[dan.ki], *[hem.pep] ← [hen.pep], *[pang.ran.hoi]←[pak.ram.hoi], *[wi.heng.sseng]<--[wi.hem.seng]). This paper found that we can classify the phonological change or interfering nasal sounds of coda as 4 types. Firstly, this phonological change or interfering seems to be related to a place assimilation of consonants which exists in Chinese. Secondly, this phonological change or interfering seems to be influenced by the interference of mother tongue. In particular, the syllabic difference between Korean and Chinese has an affect on this phonological change. Thirdly, some examples do not seem to be related to a place assimilation or the interference of mother tongue directly. Fourthly, some examples seem to be influenced by the dialectal difference. Previous studies have explained this phonological change as changing from a nasal sound to a nasal sound in the surface structure. However, this study found that there are 4 types of nasal sound change of the coda position which are made by Chinese students who learn Korean. Considering these 4 types, this study is meaningful.

Yama, originated in Vedic religion, was placed as a god of death in their pantheon, since the early vedic period. His characteristic of death, known as a protector of the dead in the initial stages, was strengthened to the judge of death through the Braḥmaṇa-Upaniṣadic and the Epics-Purāṇic periods. Although his name was mentioned in early Buddhist literature, there was no connection to the Buddhist doctrine and myth found. Yama had began to be combined to Buddhist doctrine with the Buddha’s words, “... ... by doing so be relieved from doubt, became pure-minded, and put reliance on it, to such a one the door of the three states of misfortune shall be shut : he shall not fall so low as to be born in hell, among the beasts, or in Yama’s kingdom”(Sap., XI, 46), and later his Buddhistized feature was completed with the development of the ideas of the next world in the Tibetan Buddhist tradition. On the other hands, in the Chinese Buddhist tradition he shared one of his proper vedic characteristics, the protector of the dead, with Kṣitigarbha, one of the main gods in the Mahāyana Buddhist pantheon, which was generally accepted in Korea and Japan. The Mahāyāna Buddhists composed their pantheon in the way of adopting Vedic gods and folklore worship by renaming them or inventing their parallels. Yama in the point of keeping his Vedic name and characteristic was very unusual. However, he had to be remained at the outer edge of the Buddhist pantheon until the time of the development of the Bar do ideas in Tibetan Buddhism, because Buddhism kept their atheistic attitude and emphasized ethics. Some scholars made a mistake of identifying him with Māra. It was evident that he and Māra had opposite aims, but coexisted in the Buddhist myths. And it should be remembered that some similar divine beings with Yama, such as Kṣitigarbha, appeared in the myths, and that no changes was witnessed in his characteristics, even though some minor things were little bit modified. It is important that Yama has never taken a major position in the Buddhist pantheon and that he has seldom appeared in the Buddhist tales on death.

‘The pansori-based novel’ is one of the widely used terms in the academic circle of Korean literature without having any particular definition or verification of the concept. Pansori and novels fall into the same theoretical genre, narratives, but in terms of their historical genre which is their specific substance, they have an entirely different mode. It is obvious the term ‘pansori-based novel’ has ‘novel’ as a stylistic status. But, one can tell just by briefly looking at the literary works categorized as the pansori-based novel that there are too many examples that don’t correspond to this term. In the history of Korean literature, it was not until the 17th century that novels began to appear in earnest, while pansori emerged around the 19th century. During the time when novels were taking hold of the initiative in narrative literature, pansori comes on to the picture and makes a relationship with novels by close communication and interaction, and with this process the so-called ‘pansori-based novel’ emerged. Some effects of novel writing styles on pansori are that they pursue coherence as they are written in complete texts, use conventional expressions of literary style novels, and so forth. In the effects of pansori on novels, the literary style is taken most interest in, and a few examples are appearing to be orientated towards rhythmical texts, or showing pansori’s unique introduction style in the way of speaking, and so on. If one looks thoroughly at the aspect of changing pansori lyrics into texts for reading, one can find out the reason why it’s not easy to name it the pansori-based novel. First, the contradiction of narrative can be mentioned. This comes from describing classes (social statuses) differently. Second, by using the description of chire, they fail to describe details realistically, and also have plots that lack inevitability and organic composition because there are various endings. In particular, the protruding attempts to change made by Shin Jae-hyo, Lee In-jik, Rho Ik-hyeong and other adapters are also collateral evidences that the pansori-based novel is an inappropriate term. Pansori should be clearly classified as either ‘text for performance’, or ‘text for reading’. So when they are embraced, the term should be ‘pansori narrative’, the former being ‘pansori (text for performance)’, and the latter being ‘pansori text for reading’.

This paper aims to study the patterns of the characteristic materials recorded on 5,563 sijo included in Unabridged Dictionary of Gosijo. There are 493 figures who are used as a material in the works that have been recorded in Unabridged Dictionary of Gosijo. The frequency of appearance is following the descending order. Emperor Sun appeared 98 times, followed by Emperor Yao (72 times), Li Bai (72 times), Confucius (64 times) and Xiang Yu (49 times). In this paper, I comprehensively presented the various implemented images by the characters and analyzed the frequency of appearance in collections of poems. Focusing on the most frequently appeared sijo among the works, I examined the aspects of realization of the representative characters. As a result, Emperor Sun was imagined as a symbol of great filial piety and a person who had realized the reign of peace. Emperor Yao also was imagined as a person who had realized the reign of peace. Li Bai was complexly imagined as a great writer, a person who has reminded readers of drinking wine and the moon and a Taoist hermit. Confucius was imagined as a typical Confucian model who revealed Confucian morality. Xiang Yu was imagined as a hero of great strength and a person who shed tears for the farewell to his wife: the Beauty Yu (虞美人). I considered not only the frequency of appearance in a unit of the individual work but considered the frequency of appearance in the collections of poems. So it is possible to determine the degree of enjoying the characteristic materials more precisely. A discussion as above has the significance as a groundwork to reveal aesthetic characters.

This study aims to analyze how main characters in Giono’s novel Angelo are created and constituted essentially from the ethical and aesthetical perspective. It is commonly accepted among many experts of this French novelist that this literary work played a important role in his literary career. The fictional work in question is supposed to be less known in the pubic audience in comparison with the other major works like The Horseman on the Roof of which a well known film was made two decades ago. However this novel seems to be of an importance in terms of prefiguring main characters (essentially Angelo and Pauline) constantly appearing in the following major works. Firstly, Angelo appears as a key character embodying the middle age’s chivalrous values like magnanimity, greatness, noblesse etc. These ethical aspects seem to be taken by and large in the French classical dramas, especially Pierre Corneille’s ones. In this context we would like to highlight that Angelo is being inscribed in this aristocratic moral system as well as in Romantic sensibility. Secondly, two feminine figures showing exceptional qualities (Céline and Pauline) are contributing greatly to the promotion of Giono’s work into a much more achieved one from the aesthetical perspective of the fiction: Céline de Theus is an aristocratic and highly mature personality with a strong sense of honour, while Pauline is presented as a young and pure person valorizing a great sense of simplicity. Thanks to these feminine figures with Angelo, the provençal novelist could create an extraordinary fictional universe in which we the readers can be easily absorbed without any reserves.