This study has two main purposes. The first one is to investigate the policy characteristics of the intraparty factions . The second aim is to provide the political conservative shift for korea in Japan. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was re-elected on Sept. 8 as president of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) unopposed. He is set to serve another three-year term as leader of the governing party until September 2018.
The LDP was supposed to increase the weight of votes casted by local chapters from the upcoming leadership race in a bid to demonstrate to the public that the ruling party attaches importance to its rank-and-file members as well as its regional organizations. However, the current trend within the LDP has given the public the impression that party members are trying to avoid heated debate because of a Cabinet reshuffle and appointments of party executives that will follow its presidential race. If so, it would be extremely introspective.
The LDP has recently tended to avoid active policy discussions. The party has failed to have heated debate on the Act on the Protection of Specially Designated Secrets, reinterpreting the war-renouncing Constitution to open the way for Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense and the security bills now being deliberated in the House of Councillors, among other issues that are related to the nation's direction.
The purpose of this study is to demonstrate the conservative tendencies of Japanese Dietmen. To analyze them, Asahi Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun’s survey data conducted against Japanese Dietmen candidates have been utilized.
And their responses to political ideology and 14 policies expressing well their liberal and conservative stances were used. Results of the analysis proved that their levels of hard line conservatism are much higer than the general public in Japan. Especially, House of Representatives of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party(LDP) occupying more than 60% of the seats, are almost hard line conservatives. LDP members of the House of Councilors are, but not as much as the Representatives, not much different.
The direct impact to the hard line conservatism of LDP members by Prime Minister Abe, who has served as the LDP president from September 2012, is relatively low.
However, Prime Minister Abe's continuous claims of ‘Regain of a strong Japan’ and ‘Pride in Japan history’ has been an evident guide of the hard-line conservatism of them.
The Agreement between Japan and Korea on the continental shelf was signed in the 1970s during "the times of the friction" that could be described same as the recent Japan-Korea relations. Notwithstanding that the continental shelf contains the important factors such as territory and resource related issues, the procedure for signing the Agreement was conducted relatively quickly. It was a result of the attitude of Japanese and Korean government to pursue “common interests” seeking economic benefits as well as cooperation rather than to legally solve the difficult issues between the two countries. Securing “common interests” would be an important keyword for the Japan-Korea relations.
This paper is to figure out what we can still learn from Takeuchi Yoshimi(竹内 好)’s two articles of “Asia as a Method” and “Pan-Asianism” to understand the topos of Choson at that time and Korea now. In other words, in writing this paper, there are two ultimate questions I deal with. What roles and positions do Choson or Korea have in his “Pan-Asianism”? What does it mean to talk about “Asia as a Method” now in Korea? By taking a closer look at what Takeuchi Yoshimi proposed in these two articles, I will try to find out what we can still learn from his “Asia” discourse. And hopefully, I will try to use it to question and problematize recent “East Asia” discourses of our own time.