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2017, Vol., No.22

  • 1.

    Abe Cabinet's Growth Strategy: Policy Idea, Institutional Change and Seiji-Shudo Policy Governance

    Dae-yeob Yoon | 2017, (22) | pp.54~94 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    This study explains the discontinuous characteristics of Abenomics by analyzing the policy idea, institutional change and policy governance of Abe's growth strategy. Abe's cabinet, which claims to be the Crisis-Breaking Cabinet, is considered to have archived a different economic outcomes from the previous government. Theses factors can be explained in three aspects: policy idea, industrial legislations and policy governance. Abe cabinet's growth strategy has emerged from the Koizumi government but systematized every year through evaluation and feedback of the reality of the economy and society. In particular, it has enacted an industrial legislations that specifies government-led industrial policy goals and functions, and promotes industrial policies through policy loan and regulatory innovation. In addition, it has a disjointed character in that it strengthened the prime minister-centered Seiji-shudō System and systematized horizontal governance of government ministries and public-private cooperation.
  • 2.

    Institutional Trust and Democracy Perceptions in South Korea and Japan

    LEE, SOOK JONG | 2017, (22) | pp.95~131 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This study compares the citizens' trust in institutions in South Korea and Japan, and this institutional trust’s relationship with the citizens' perception on their country's democratic performance. South Koreans tend to trust their president, government, and NGOs more than Japanese while Japanese trust courts, political parties, military, police, media, and corporations more than South Koreans. Most of South Koreans and Japanese view their democracy functions well. As many previous studies have maintained, the more South Koreans and Japanese view their democracy functions well, their trust level in institutions has increased. This comparative analysis contributes to providing some empirical findings on the trust and democracy studies of South Korea and Japan.
  • 3.

    A Philosophical Review on Japanese Military Comfort Women: Sexuality and Political Power

    Hongyoung Park | 2017, (22) | pp.132~167 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Japanese military comfort women(Wianbu) problem is a matter of sexuality and political power during the World War Ⅱ. The war caused the Japanese military comfort women. The main part of the war is the nationstate. Even though the value of time is different, the value of human rights is sacred. Human rights are natural legal universal values. War damaged sexuality and human rights were destroyed. Human rights have no statute of limitations, these cannot end up with a treaty or reward. Nation-state power must be regulated, and human desires should be restrained. But during the war, nation-state power was not controlled, and moderation was meaningless. The crime(sexual violence) is worse, to Japanese military comfort women. The responsibility(apology and compensation) of the Japanese colonial era is to the Japanese government. The Korean government should have a higher morality if the Korean government wants to make a bold request to the Japanese government. In order to do this, the Korean government should look at the responsible for the Korean military crimes of the Vietnam War, such as apology and compensation. At the conclusion of this article, I sought an exit. It is the statue of peace as a symbol, Cultural Resistance. The statue of peace resist against the dualityof the nation-state and the human rights issue. The remaining challenge is to make a history of the majority that have been conscious of the vitality of human rights and cultural resistance. The question of how to be a practical democracy is to be constantly asked. Any argument should be allowed in the nation-state, and dark ages should be prevented, for example the Candle Demonstration(“Is this a nation-state?; Ege Nara Nya?”) in 2016. So, the Japanese military comfort women ‘problem’ should be an ongoing, not a period, but a question mark.
  • 4.

    The Employment Support Policy of Local Governments and Its Significance: A Case study on Osaka Prefecture and Toyonaka City

    JEEHWAN PARK | 2017, (22) | pp.168~195 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This paper aims to explore employment support policies in Osaka Prefecture and Toyonaka City and to examine their significance. Since 2001 the Prefecture has introduced Local Employment Support Program to all local governments in the province, thereby promoting the consultation, training and job placement for needy people. In so doing, the City came to know on what condition the needy in the local community have been, and began to implement several employment support programs. The City has tried to not only place the unemployed to a job but also to let them work with some assistance from the local government as well as the workplace where they are employed. This case study suggests what effects the new system for the self-support of needy person by Japanese government may have and what significances this form of employment support programs may have in the social significance of self-help and work.
  • 5.

    The 48th Japanese General Election and the Changes of Political Parties in Japan

    RheeBeom Lee | 2017, (22) | pp.196~220 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    In the 48th Japan general elections in 2017, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) won a landslide victory. The main reasons were that the anti-LDP oppsition parties split up, and voters praised the Abe administration's policy capability and the ability of the LDP to manage Administrative capacity of government. With the approval ratings of the Abe cabinet and the LDP falling before the election, there was a possibility that the number of LDP seats could drop. But it didn’happen because many voters suppoted the key policies of the Abe cabinet such as Abenomics. Since Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has regained power in 2012, the LDP's policy capability and its ability to manage administrative capacity of government have greatly enlarged. And the negative characteristics of the previous LDP are no longer true. That is why the LDP’popularity has been maintained at it’s late 30s percent. On the other hand, the popularity of opposition parties is below 10 percent. Also, anti-the LDP voters' overwhelming support for the opposition parties has gone beyond further expectations. The LDP's one-party system is expected to last for quite a while.
  • 6.

    Reconstructing Memories on Byakkotai in Meiji Japan

    Lee Seyun | 2017, (22) | pp.221~251 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This paper is an attempt to analyze the texts about Byakkotai’s death from the viewpoint of reconstruction of memories. The monument of Byakkotai erected in 1890 and the Russo-Japanese War were turning points in the memories on Byakkotai. Since 1890, the end of Byakkotai began to be represented in various ways, the contents of which were not uniform. The memories on Byakkotai were fragmented as the representation repeated. However, as the discourse of Bushido was raised on the occasion of the Russo-Japanese War, the memories on Byakkotai began to have a certain shape. Byakkotai was established as a symbol of Bushido or the soul of Japan. This movement of stereotyping was accelerated by the intervention of the Nation State. The stories on Byakkotai were spread to the whole country in a standardized form through the textbooks and popular education controlled by the Ministry of Education.