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2018, Vol., No.23

  • 1.

    Presidentialization and the Changes of the LDP Politics in Japan; Comparison between Koizumi and Abe

    SEONGJO KIM | 2018, (23) | pp.33~65 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    This study examines the difference between Koizumi and Abe. Japanese politics since the 2000s has witnessed ‘presidentialization’, which suggested that political leaders have created directly linkage with the voters and gained more automony from party organizations. This study focuses the tension between ‘presidentialization’ and consensus-based democratic institutions in Japan. The combination between the tension and PM’s different preferences made the various outomce of governance. Koizumi adopted a policy-seeking strategy and, in turn, attempted to reduce the institutional barriers to hinder his radical reforms. By contrast, Abe adopted a office-seeking strategy and, therefore, seeks to balance between power of Prime Minister and power of veto players in his party.
  • 2.

    A Critical Review on Functions and Roles of Foreign Residents' Advisory Bodies in Japan : Focusing on the Case of Hamamatsu City

    Choi Minkyung | 2018, (23) | pp.67~95 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    While globalization is leading discussions on the protection of citizenship of foreign residents, especially of political rights, Japan does not grant local voting rights to foreign residents. To compensate for this situation, some local governments have set up foreign residents' advisory bodies to enable them to participate in local politics, and Hamamatsu is one of them. HFRC(Hamamatsu Foreign Residents Council) is centered on ‘Newcomer’, which promotes the social participation of foreign residents' groups, which had previously been difficult to establish close relations with Japanese society. And because it is a stable system based on the ordinance, it has a great influence on the whole multicultural coexistence policy of Hamamatsu City and is bringing about change. On the other hand, the increase in the legal stability and influence of the HFRC is paradoxical that it does not lead to an active movement to secure local voting rights. However, the ultimate political rights of the foreign residents, as well as the guarantee of citizenship, must be made through official methods of voting. To this end, the HFRC and other advisory bodies must act as platforms to actively lead discussions.
  • 3.

    Forecast on N. Korea-Japan Normalization Talks and S. Korea's Corresponding Strategy: Focusing on the Settlement of Past History Issues

    Euy Sang Yoo | 2018, (23) | pp.97~131 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    N. Korea-Japan Normalization Talks are likely to reopen due to the change of situation on the Korean Peninsula. The key agenda at the forthcoming talks will be how to settle the issues caused by Japanese colonial rule. They agreed basically, in conformity with S. Korea and Japan's agreement of 1965, at the “Joint Declaration” of September 2002 that Japan expressed apology for the colonial rule and would provide N. Korea with economic cooperation, while waiving the right of property and claims mutually. Remaining task is to decide the amount and purpose of economic cooperation, and discuss about how to handle the personal right of claim of the victims including ‘comfort women.’ N. Korea-Japan Talks will reignite demand in S. Korea for the settlement of the unresolved past history issues. S. Korea should support N. Korea for the better settlement of the past history issues, so that it will serve as a guideline between S. Korea and Japan, or pursue a Summit among South and North Korea and Japan, and make a joint communique which contains Japan's sincere apology for its colonial rule toward the people of both South and North Korea.
  • 4.

    A Study on the Interpersonal Exchanges between Korea and Japan - Focusing on the Case Study of a Binational Camp of Korean and Japanese Highschool Students -

    Suzuka FUKAHORI | Oh Taeheon | 2018, (23) | pp.133~158 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The aim of the present study lies in seeking a beneficial process of the Korean and Japanese personal exchange. To this end, the trend regarding the visitors, foreign students, and foreign workers, of which there seems to be a relative shift in its pattern, was analyzed. Furthermore, as an ideal example, the case of a high school exchange camp was examined closely. The study led to the following findings. First, the Japanese tourists visiting Korea showed sensitivity to the exchange rate, whereas the Korean counterparts touring Japan did not seem to be influenced by the changes in the exchange rate, displaying increase in the number. In addition, the number of visitors to Korea from Japan that started to decline in 2012 is again on the rise, and the total number of tourist exchange is over 7 million. Next, while a fewer number of Korean students are going to Japan to continue their studies, there is a consistent increase in the number of cases where those who did pursue academic goals in Japan ended up securing employment in local Japanese companies. Lastly, the analysis of the case of high school exchange camp confirmed that the students who participated in such exchange programs, who no doubt will have a significant bearing on the future relationship between the two countries, were highly satisfied with the experience.
  • 5.

    Keidanen's Role in the Japanese Defense Policy Decision Process during the Post-Cold War

    Oh, Dong-Ryong | 2018, (23) | pp.159~213 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    As seen in the Defense Product Committee's special report, senior members of the Defense Production Commission urged opposition from bureaucrats, including the Finance Ministry, to the fear of non-representation of the defense industry. The 4th Defense Force Improvement Plan, which began in 1972, is noteworthy in this respect. On the occasion of the fourth round of defense, Japanese defense companies will push for self-defense in earnest and achieve rapid growth in quality through technological accumulation. In particular, with Prime Minister Nakasone in power in 1982, Nakasone put his own defense plan in place, and the defense industry will find a way out. In this opportunity, the business community will continue to engage with the Defense Ministry to help Prime Minister Nakasone overcome the barriers of 1 percent of the national defense budget and ease the three principles of arms exports through the U.S.-Japan Technology Supply Agreement. From the 1980s to the late 1990s, Japan enjoyed an economic heyday and became a U.S. alert based on the technological prowess of the defense industry. Japan is competing with the United States over the production of F-2 fighter jets. Japan's aircraft industry, which has started developing its own fighter jets, is disappointed when the Japanese government collapsed under pressure from the United States and concluded joint production. However, the business community plans to build up technological skills through joint development and then try to build a civil aircraft. As can be seen from the Defense Product Committee's special report, Japan's post-war defense industry has been largely influenced by the movements of businesses that have captured such changes well, both through the Cold War and the post-Cold War. According to this study, the basis for the hypothesis that Japan's Defense Production Commission played a major role in Japan's defense policy decisions could be found.
  • 6.

    The Study of Nho “Uneme” and Rain-making Ritual

    Hyeon wook Kim | 2018, (23) | pp.215~249 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    Nho “Uneme” contains belief of Buddhism and Shintoism. In Nho “Uneme,” especially, Buddhism and Shintoism are connected through religious belief Ryuzin (竜神). This research has focused on Shintoism appeared in the “Uneme.” Ancient Japanese believed that a dragon is a ruler of rain and pleasing the dragon will make it rain. Based on their belief, the ancient Japanese held a ceremonial event for Ryuzin, praying for rain. During the ceremony of rain, people often performed dancing or singing. Nho is a performance that represents medieval period. Actors chose which Nho to play during the ceremony. “Amayorokobi Nho” was what they called and “Uneme” is one of “Amayorokobi Nho.” What were the reasons that Nho actors chose “Uneme” as part of “Amayorokobi Nho”? First, it is because “Uneme” has strong relation with “Ryuzin.” The main character in Nho “Uneme” is a maid in a palace, and she was called Uneme. Originally Uneme appeared as Shaman, and she was high in position. However, as time goes by, Uneme was treated as a maid in a palace. The Uneme, the main character, in Nho “Uneme” is who threw herself in a Sarusawa pond and ended her life after forsaken by the king. The Uneme ended her life by throwing herself into the pond but, resurrected as a Dragon and staying in Sarusawa pond. Ryuzin belief runs deep in Sarusawa pond and Kasuga shrine near the pond. The reasons Nho “Uneme” played as “Amayorokobi Nho” are “Uneme” was geologically based on a place where Ryuzin belief is widespread, and the main character was reborn as a dragon. Second, often lines in Nho “Uneme” contain water and rain. Continuous use of vocabulary such as under the sea, a surface of a lake, wave, or rain in Nho lines strongly visualizes water in the play. Lastly, Zyonomai, the dance Uneme beautifully performed contains shamanistic power which prays for rain. Uneme’s Zyonomai is analogous to Sendabunin or Shizukagozen dance which also had the shamanistic power of rain.
  • 7.

    The Meaning of Nakasone Diplomacy in the Post-war Japan

    CHOI HEESIK | 2018, (23) | pp.251~278 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    Nakasone's diplomacy which advocated active US-Japan cooperation by insisting on “overcoming the post-war system”, such as self-defense and constitutional amendments became a mainstream of Japan's conservatives since the 1990s, undergoing the process of “establishing a Nakasone line without Nakasone.” Therefore, recent efforts to understand the nature of Nakasone diplomacy have become indispensable factors in understanding modern Japanese diplomacy. At the same time, understanding the connection between Nakasone diplomacy and the Yoshida line is also important to understand the essence of the “ordinary state theory”, a modern product of Nakasone diplomacy. Nakasone's internationalism is merely a geopolitical diplomacy that is in the form of strengthening the ties of the free nations under Cold-War, that is, establishing a large-scale containment network. The success of diplomacy is largely due to the structural factors of the New Cold War. It is possible to evaluate that Nakasone's nationalism and ‘pro-America(strengthening of the US-Japan alliance)’ are embodied in geopolitical diplomacy strategies and form the model of Japanese Diplomacy in Post Cold-War.