KJC Korea
Journal Central

The purpose of this study is to examine the rationality behind the associations between Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Family Federation for World Peace and Unification (widely known as the Unification Church, hereafter UC). The findings are as follows. First, the politicians perceive religious organizations as potential source of organized votes, which becomes the incentives for both sides to develop interdependence through ‘informal institutions’. While the Asahi Shinbun survey did not reveal any factional bias among those who admitted associations with the UC, the likelihood was higher for those whose electoral bases were weak. The individual LDP representatives maintained ‘loose’ connections with the religious organization within their districts because of the low cost of maintaining them. Furthermore, while the LDP and the UC share similar policy preferences in terms of national security and ‘family values,’ no significant gap was found between those who were associatied with the UC and those who were not. This paper demonstrates that it was largely the electoral rationality that urged the individual LDP representatives to incorporate organized votes from religious organizations, rather than the proximity of policy preferences.

This study examined the expressions of ‘rejection’ on the ‘suggest’ from Japanese textbooks and discourse examples. As a result, the following conclusion was reached. First, the license text has separate learning points so that learners can acquire the expression of ‘rejection’ in Japanese by organizing text conversations based on the Japanese’s ‘modesty line strategy’. On the other hand, Japanese textbooks published in Korea used the expression ‘rejection’ according to the flow of textual conversation. Second, in Japanese textbooks, the typical expressions ‘shiyouka/shimasyouka’ and ‘shinaika/shimasenn(ka)’ forms of ‘rejection’ were used the most. However, in the discourse case, not only typical expressions but also atypical expressions were used in various ways. Third, the license publication text was rejected by progressing the conversation step by step based on ‘modesty line strategy’. However, in the discourse case, there was also a ‘direct rejection’ that was different from ‘modesty line strategy’.

This paper studied in the literature records and the current issues of dance reconstruction of <Komaryo>. According to 『Gyoukunsho』, <Komaryo> danced on a ‘Komagata’(shaped like a horse). This paper pays attention on ‘Komagata’ of <Komaryo>. Komagata is a horse sculpture and symbolizes a divine being, swift dragon-horse. But <Komaryo> is emphasizing a swift dragon, not a horse, so it became an important point determining performance style. For instance, <Komaryo>, reconstructed by Tenri University, is a two-person dance, with dragon-shaped costumes and silver rods and the cintamani (如意珠) as props. However, the problem is that while the image of the dragon was embodied, the Komagata shown in the literature was not used at all. Accordingly, Tenri University’s reconstruction of <Komaryo> requires supplementation, modification, and reconsideration in many ways. Tenri University’s attempting to reconstruct works that have not been transmitted has the primary purpose, which performs musics that have not been performed so far, not research. But I think, considering the historicity and significance of Gagaku(雅楽), which has been handed down from East Asian countries including Korea, it is necessary to consider approaching of literature records, not only the possibility of performances. It expects that the <Komaryo> will be supplemented through more extensive research and soliciting opinions.

This study was conducted by the Japanese Diet to discuss the territorial issue and to study policies of each political party. In particular, the purpose of this research is to analyze the awareness and policies of each party on the Dokdo. In particular, the purpose of this research is to analyze the awareness and policies of each party on the dot problem. It analyzes how the approach to the territorial issue has changed with the changes in government since 1993. As an analysis method, the Standing Committee of the Diet analyzes the contents of the medium-speed recording and the manifestations presented by each party at the time of the election. In the House of Representatives of Japan, until 1990‘s, the Dokdo issue was thoroughly discussed in the Economic and Industrial Committee and the Foreign Affairs Committee. In the 2000’s, the Dokdo issue was discussed at the plenary session and the Budget and Accounts Committee. However, after 2010‘s the Dokdo issue was discussed in the Cabinet Committee of the House of Representatives and the House of Councilors. The change of the committee that handles the territorial issue in the Diet is a change along with the reorganization of the Japanese government organization. When I looked at the policies of each Japanese political party toward the Dokdo issue, it was confirmed that each party was discriminatory. In particular, the policies of the Democratic Party of Japan are also discriminatoryin discussions in the Diet. In the case of the Communist Party, in connection with the Dokdo issue, the Japanese government’s position is correct, but they have consistently maintained that the position of South Korea at the time must be taken into consideration. I think the discrimination and commonality of Japanese political parties toward the territorial issue is a strategic point when Korea considers the territorial issue.